The Communist Vol. I #8 Nov 22, 1919

Combined with "The Revolutionary Age"

All Power To The Workers!

Vol. I. No. 8.

CHICAGO, ILL., NOVEMBER 22, 1919

Five Cents

Reaping the Whirlwind

S.\VA<~rI*RY is becoming the normal
of civilized lift-: legal savagery* the
mi b y : o.encc of the '"n -rotables".

A guerilla civil war is being precipitated
by those who with nervous eagerness have
unsbcathod the sword of might against
shadow hordes.

Capitalism has reached a dizzy apex of
power. It can no longer play hide and seek,
pretending that its colossal tolls of interest
and profit are part of a competitive system
wherein the best men win. 'JTie whole so-
rial system shows even* day more clearly
the sharp line between the two classes.

Mc*t o( the great An erican fortunes arc
now inherited fortunes. and the mere pass-
ing of time, *o far as the owners are con-
cerned, brings the multiplication of riches.
But there is great labor during this time, the
heavy tot! of the masses, living in stupidity.
The miners of today arc the sons of mi-
ners. The workers in steel are the sons of
workingmen. Out of the hundreds and
ir *k3s and the millions of wage-workers
o •*■ there, a few h'-ndr/--*- - ttr.v.t

coinpefcficc Cor old' *gc, a sustenance suffi-
cient for the, education of their children tu
the higher form* of wage-slavery, the tech-
nical and profess: chi a 1 servitude to owner-
ship.

The clas< lines are drawn, and there can
be no more concealment. And terror has
*ei2ed upon the class of privilege that the
light is about to dawn upon the working
masses — the light of their deprivations for
profits, the light of the power of the working
masses to end this inhuman system.

The vision of an angry, rebellious, over-
whelming array of working class power dis-
turbs and maddens the exploiters and their
vassals, the flunkey judges, prosecutors,
professional militarists and politicians. The
vision \\hs tangible reality in Ihe example *»(
Russia; in the temporary success of the
Hungarian workers; in the recent railroad
strike in England; in the potential general
strike m the United State*.

What is to be done by the vassals of the
barons of coal and of steel and of land rent-
als? Suppression is the answer. Suppress
ihe truth. Suppress the t venues <">f enlight-
enment. Suppress the individual who may
awaken understanding and the determina-
tion to conquer freedom among his fellow-
worker*.

What is all the nervousness about? Why
i* that our newspapers carry daily column
u|H»n column, page upon page, of silly rot
and vile perversion in order to discredit the
agitators? And especially the alien agita-
tors? Why do they dclibrratrly incite and
< "courage acts of violence on the part of the
hoodlums of respectability ngainst the ra-
dical*-.? Why is this guerilla civil war
brought upon us in the name of law and or-
der?

BECAUSE or Tin: WORKING
CLASS ARRAY WHICH IS TO COM K I

It is the uprising of the millions and tens
fjf millions which the exploiters dread. It
is the imminence of this overwhelming
power which drives them to mad destruc-
tivencss.

Not the Communist Tarty. Not the I.
W. W. These arc organizations which
publish openly nd constantly all the facts
about their membership, about their small
revenues, al>out their struggling papers and
magazines. Tncy are not large organiza-
tions, considering the enormous numbers ol
the workers. They have no plans and pur-
poses which are not dependent upon the will
and action of the millions and tens of mil-
lions of workers.

The fear is that the many millions arc
about to make their demands in the language
of the program of the Communist Party!
The fear is that millions of workers are
about to adopt the industrial unionism which
is imbued with the underselling' that the
real struggle is the class struggle, the strug-
gle '»v which the workers must establish a

istic exploitation!

The agitators, native and alien, the sup-
pressed papers, the programs branded as il-
legal, the red flag, the exhibition of which
is made a most serious felony, the quiet pa-
rades and meetings of the workers — these
arc hated as the living symbols of — the
werking class array which is to come!

Especially .the alien agitators — and why?
Because far more than half of the workers
in the basic industries are of foreign birth.
Because, as the government statisticians
have recently announced, 8,500,000 workers
in this country understand only a foreign
language.

And there is special concern that there
>hall be no agitation among the negroes.
Prejudice is quick to respond, and prejudice
has its lodgment as well within the ranks of
the laboring masses.

A Hearst editorial openly brags that there
is nothing to fear because there arc so many
inter-racial hatreds to keep the workers of
America apart.

The Steel Strike — in a dozen different
languages — is the answer. And the Com-
munist Party, with ten language federa-
tions, is another answer.

w • *

Workers, do you not realise that all
this suppression of agitation is the proof of
its danger to the exploiting system? If the
Communist program was something fanci-
ful, something that wouldn't work, once the
workers accept it, why would there be such
desperate measures to suppress its teaching
- and its living demonstration in Russia?

IX) you not realize that a government
which turtis it * powers to such end— to Ihe
suppression of the enlightenment of the
working masses*--!* a government which is
nothing more than a tool of the ruling class?

Do you not realize that the newspapers

which arc stirring up mob violence against
agitators, against meetings, parades and evert
the property found in the meeting places-
do you not realize that these newspapers are
the dirty, lying, bestial agencies of capital-

There will be more of the violence oC cold-
blooded starvation of women and children,
such as the pious hypocrite at Washington'
sanctions as ngainst the tens of millions of
Russia.

But behind and underneath this provo-
cative brutality, the working clas* array
gt es c>n, gaining not only in strength of
organization, but in the realization of new
and decisive purposes — the purposes of ft
working class domination of society to
bring in the Communist order, the order of
socialized industry and of its administration
by the workers.

No fakeries of Plumb plans, with eternal
perpetuation of the profit system, with spe-
cia 1 privilege* to special UH<--*» group*; DO
tt«cvrK's ot governim... -Jip, with th#

government in the pliant -»«.» vice of Watt
Street ; but t!*e real article of a workers in* "'
dustrialism which has no place for any profit
tributes, and no place for any politician**
agents af capitalism, but which is an affair*
of the workers from bottom to top.

That is the progTam of Communism — and
that is what all the nervousness is about.
It can be done. The working class cat!
achieve this economic system of their ov-Jl*
within a short time if they organize for
this purpose. They are coming to see this,
under the stress of their miserable wage
slavery.

The wind is being sown — the wind of
persecution, petty violence, mob frenzy
against the meetings of the workers, jailing
and Knelling and massacre — of brazen
use of the military against strikes hereto-
fore given legal sanction, when they did not
appear so threatening, — and the whirlwind
is to be reaped.

The oppressions of capitalistic exploitation
are completing the cycle of the former sys-
tems of exploitation. The* last act is the
use of institutionalized violence against—*
the new idea!

There is no way out of it, no way to end
the guerilla civil war, no way to cud many
years of the savagery which is now at! that
capitalism has to offer to civilization — no
way except by the quick and decisive vic»
tory of the working class.

The wind has been sown, and the whirl-
wind is upon us; and after the storm, the
organized and victorious working class
will produce the dream of the centuries, a
social system without classes, a system
wherein alt shall he owners and workers
alike, a system whert in the benefits of
science, of culture, of art, shall be the com*
moo heritage of alt mankind.

THE COMMUNIST

November 2->"d IW<

THE COMMUNIST

N.tkHi.l Oman. Puma**** Fatty*

"ruWi^l Weekly. *ml o*™« aTHi control,
b, fee vV^ni^iTjv^^ -

FuikUt*. 10 or nw. ^^J^^,

1*19 HJor

The Terror

, AWTMJ&! t< openly revealing the
I, feet that it represents, <* I* *t dtc-
utorship * * «*» determined upon cfc*

M:prrmjO

While the spokesmen and lit* pir«3 ul Iht
Mhes brand the Soviet Government as a

&*mM* <hc ***** Conference IS itself
tbe HK,t powerful and brutal dictatorship
in the world. This Conference, through the
Council of Four-thc rrc^ew of Inland.
France. IuU and the President »f the I mted
State* arbitrarily determine decisis and
problem* of the utmost importance, Tht$
Council of lour waged war agamst Soviet
Russia, it conspired to overthrow the Sov-
iet Republic of Hungary, it determined «i hat
peorfe of Fnropc should or should not se-
cure Food, it re -made the map of the world.
The Peace Conference was not in any sense
&0 expression of democracy : it was and is in
fact a supreme manifestation of the dicta-
torship of Capitalism.

This dictatorship of Capitalism find* its
most rvpicat expression in Us struggle
against the proletarian revolution and
against the developing movement of the
revolutionary proletariat. This struggle, in
one form o. •• --**

factor in conl .ary European develop-

mr*

The typical form of capitalist dictator-
ship reveals itself under the violent impact
of the class struggle. In normal times, that
is to sav when the workers are quiescent and
the class struggle moderate in means and
purpose?, the dictatorship of Capitalism is
not quite apparent to the average person;
hut in times of militant action, when the
lass struggle flares up implacably, the dic-
tatorship Of Capitalism and the capitalist
state appears in all its brutal reality and the
jrt-etense of democracy breaks down.

Dictatorship is based upon force and
idopt* terror a* a means of carrying out its
purpose-. When the dictatorship of Capi-
talism reveals itself openly, it is by means
• if the b>rce and terror it u«cs against the
militant working class movement.

At this moment, the dictatorship of
American capital, expressed in the govern-
ment, i* developing a ruthless campaign of
force and terror against the workers and
particularly against the revolutionary or-
gsafeatioitf The use of the injunction to
break the strike of the coal miners was ap-
!*rcntly a judical process; in fact, however,
it irai ifl invocation of force and terror.
c behind the injunction was the armed
force of the American government prepared
10 impose it? will ruthlessly upon the mik-
«t». In my after file, terrorism of the Mo*t
flagrant character U beine used against the
workers' organization*. The government i«*
apparently concentrating its force against
(he Communis Party, in an effort lo break
tlm militant exprr>*ion of tin; oon*cious

r ■ ■■ h tarfi&

In t U velamt, under the Criminal Syn-

i'ii Ijut; Iff Kew York, under the

!\ \aw; in Chit ago And rUi ■

.! p-..t titlOfl (im * under thr

gf i. • * I :»*i , in one way and aindhii

the attempt ts made to brand membership

m the Communist Party as a crime In it-
self, l» many instance* the unofficial organs
t.f repression are urged to assume a state of
outlawry in relation to Communist agitation,
This onslaught upon the Communist Par-
ly is deliberate It is not nn onslaught
determined by fear of thC present or actual

strength of the Communist Party, but be*
cause o* the tendency the l*arty represents.
hy the fear that the Party may be able to
TiitK the workers for the conscious struggle
against Capitalism, In this sejtsc the ofv
slaughl upon the Communist Party (and
upon the I. \V. \V.) indicates the stern
purpose of Capitalism to destroy the
American revolutionary movement.

But even this factor is .at the moment, in-
cidental. American Capitalism and its gov-
ernment have let (oOSC terror against the
Communist Party in order t*« find a con-
venient pretext to break the great strikes
now convulsing the country. Capitalism is
deliberately working up a revolutionary
•care in order to frighten the unconscious
workers and the more easily crush those
radical manifestations of* the proletarian
struggle which, while not x et consciously
Communist, are a source <>f immediate and
ultimate danger to the supremacy of Capi-
talism,

Imagine ?0,000 members of the Com-
munist Party making a revolution, fight-
ing the American ar:u\ and police, retzmg
cities, and destro) iug the power of the gov-
ernment! Vet that is precisely what the
government and the press assert are the
immediate aims of the Communist Party.
Of course, this is absurd; but it serves the
purposes of provocation and providing the
r "Ttunity for- a pr»1i*»«* of f*hlcs >-

prcssion.

There is apparently no limit to what tlie
dictatorship of Capitalism will use in order
to maintain its power.

It is a real campaign of terrorism. Kvcry
means, legal and illegal, is used in the cam-
paign to break the Communist Party.

But what can this terror accomplish?

It cannot permanently crush that vast
strike movement which the American work-
ers are initiating and' in which is latent the
revolutionary threat. But these strikes
are not a product of Communist Party agi-
tation; they are the product of powerful
forces working in the proletariat and pro-
duced In the development of Capitalism
itself. The state may temporarily break
these strikes, temporarily force the work-
ers to end their struggle; but this i- neces-
sarily onl> temporary. Tenor cannot
break a movement that grows out of the
life forces of Capitalism.

Xi.r can the terror break the Communist
Party. How could it be possible? The Com-
munist Party has .lev eloped in accord with
certain conditions and revolutionary re-
quirements. These conditions and require-
ment will not cease to e\i*t sinipl\ because
terror is used against the Communist party.

The terror of the dictatorship of Capital-
ism cannot accomplish its purposes. The
Communist Parly will answer by a mote
intense campaign to arouse and organ!* ; the
ma»»c* for the conscious struggle against
Capitalism.

Gomperiam

THF. power of the state h»s been
used to break the coal miner's strike
Ttilff is n challenge to the whole labor
movement, to the whole working cla*s. A
eh.tlltnifc: of this *ort should call forth the
instant and aggressive answer of the orga-

nised labor movement, It Is a challenge
that, together with the proposed measures in
Congress to prohibit Mrikes. is a threat to
the working Class movement, and parti-
cularly to the unions

But the American Federation of l#nhor
doc* not answer the challenge.

The Pvecutive Council of flir American

Federation of Labor met just before the
miners' officials decided to obey the injuiu ■-
tion, and issued a protest against the gov.
eminent using the injunction in the strike.
The protect was solemn, vigorous, almost
radical. But there it ended. It was simply
a pious protest. It was simply an effort to
"save the face" of ihe A. ft of L. TJlv pro-
test was made —but the Ciovcrnmvnl pursued
its policy of ruthless suppression.

In the face of all this suppression, the an-
swer of the A. F. of I- is to bold another
conference and pars some more resolutions,
instead of using the strike power of the
workers to end the suppression,

(iompers.the evil flower of craft unionism.
protests against the use of injunctions
against the miners. But his protests are ur-
banely answered by the government offic-
ials, and the work of breaking the strike
goes on. Gompcts speaks feelingly of labor's
loyalty during the war — but now the govern-
ment wants loyalty during peace and will
get loyalty through bayonets if necessary.

Never was the weakness of the A. F. of
L, evident as it is now. Never was Com-
peiism more blisteringiy exposed as an ene-
my of the working clas*. Never was craft
unionism more adequately characterized as
a fetter upon the action of the workers.

A challenge is issued to unionism — and
Gompcrs issues words of protest. A chal-
lenge is issued to labor — and Comper* *
v. vi if ere I., "wii!. tbe ynun^y
mobilizes its forces to Cruth the workers—
and Compers speaks of loyalty.

Ciomperism.' accustomed to the small time
stuff of craft strikes, of petty struggles with
the employers, breaks down and reveals its
utterlv reactionary and impotent character
when it meets the test of a crisis.

Cnmperism. craft unionism, is caught in
the vicious circle of its own policy, It be-
lieves in co-operation between labor and
capital, and thereby breaks the class con-
scions spirit of the workers. It harp? upon
loyalty to the stale, and thereby prepares
the worker? to accept the brutal repression
of the state. It represents the petty interest*
of the aristocracy of labor, and thereby be-
trav s the militant workers of unskilled labor,
such as tlie Mccl workers and the miners.

There is a strike crisis. Never was there
a finer opportunity t<» mobilize the workers
against Capitalism, to initiate an aggressive
labor movement, Put the A, F. of L. ha«
neither tlie courage nor the initiative, the
intelligence nor the organization. So the
strikes arc beaten, the workers discouraged.
Comperism". the A. F. of L„ is a bulwark
of Capitalism. It is an enemy of the workers.
It must be destroyed -that is, split, the
militant workers of unskilled labor being
separated from the aristocracy of labor.

The sniggle for industrial unionism is a
vital phase "i revolutionary developmen' -
imt only becaiiH- industrial unionism is more
effective than craft unionism in tbe imme-
diate .struggle, not only because industrial
unionism becomes a starting point of Com-
munist reconstruction after the conquest of
polittva! power but more, because by means
of the campaign for industrial unionism we
may break the jiower of the A, F. of K-

Thr workers are awakening under the
Impulse rif hitter experience. It U our t*»k
to use this awakening for our revolutionary
purpose*,

N<Al n»l>< r ZZj!

22nd 4 1919.

THE COMMUNIS

r»lt« Thrr*

Jack The Liar

i| t j lf October 4 issue of the ''Workers'
J prefldituUghl" (rrfficial orjran, Wor«

. s < t f ,cialt>» l-ccJ<ration of England) Jack
Reed has a itatctncilt on the situation itt
America teeming with lies.

Lie J.— The Communist Party is "the
rc .ult of an artificial grouping of foreign*
k, m workers which formerly constituted
the foreign language Federations of the So-
j»list Party." The Communist Party is the
logical development of the Left Wing; 90%
I the organizations and delegates repres-
ented at the National Left Wing Conferen-
ce arc now in the Communist Party; ap-
proximately 50~ of the Communist Party
membership is non-Federation. Consider-
ing that G0# of our industrial proletariat
is foreign, the number of foreign comrades
in our part} is in accord with the character
of the American proletariat.

jj f 2 — The Communist Party "seeks to
create a foreign working class movement in
the Unite<I States expressed in terms of the
European movement along the lines of the
Bolshevik Party of Russia (without any at-
tempt to adapt it to the psychology of the
American working class.)" This is a very
stupid lie. since the agitation of the Com-
munis Party is conforming to every requi-
rement of peculiar American conditions,
without becoming nativistic and ceasing to
be international.

1 j c 3 — The Communist Party "was due
to the ambitions of certain people who wish
above everything else to go down in history
as having founded a Communist Party,"
Now frankly, Jack, were you not then un-
consciously stigmatizing yourself and Wa-
genknerht, Gitlow & Co.?

Lj c 4 — The Federation comrades of the
Comrroinipt Party are "segregated from the
Americans." Jack apparently doesn . un-
derstand the first elements of Communism,
since the class struggle itself compels the
foreign comrades to associate with the Ame-
ricans,

Lie 5— The Communist Party consists,
according to Jack, of the Federations and
"of English-speaking elements who hold to
the theories of Plckhanov and oppose Mass
Action." This is the worst lie of all. It is
worse than a He, it is criminal to character-
ize the Communist Party as favoring Plc-
khanov and opposing Mass Action.

lie 6— "The Large majority of the foreign
speaking branches of the Communist Par-
ly," says Jack, "have begun to repudiate
their leadership and come to us," This is
the most brazen of all. Not even the official
organ of the Communist Labor Party makes
this wild claim : why docs John Reed make
claims in Europe that his party does not
make in this country? Is filling the Europ-
ean comrades with outrageous lies promot-
ing that Communist "unity" which the C.
U. P. talks so much al>out?

In America, trying to break the Commu-
nist Party, Reed was amusing as Jack the
f»iant Killer; in Europe he is contemptible
»» Jack the Liar.

The "Workers' Dreadnought" does not
accept Jack Reed's declaration at its face
value, saying: "What puzzles one however
M to the advisability <>f iflC UvftMtUm oi
thi» new party (C L. P.) is the fact that
* 'Communist Party* was also formed at the

**me time in Chicago Not having both

tfilJe* of the question at hand comment may
now mfin raOi judgment." Precisely. We
: «r< 'onfvirnt thai when our JiritMh com-
>^'t'*e;'t the facts (not lies) <h<y Will under-
stand the situation and realize that the form-
ation of the C, L. P. expressed Centrism.

The Communist Party and Communist Unity

Resolution adopted by the Central Executive Committee

Till- Central Executive Committee of the Communist Ubor Party is Mill car-
rying on its unity Agitation among the locals and membership of |he Com-
munist Party. This campaign was deliberately started and is being carried on
in order to create discord and disintegration in our party*

The tm*t characteristic feature of the C. L. P. agitation for unity I* that it
<hovC8 a^ide the fundamental question of principles and tactics. In any discus-
sion of the relation of one organization to another, the issue of principles and
tactics is the most ini|K;rtant- -particularly at this stage of the development of
an American Communist movement.

The Communist Labor Party represents ft mixture of different elements
which do not agree on fundamental*. It was organized by delegates most of
whom wavered concerning the necessity of completely repudiating ^ the Socialist
Tarty. These delegates were interested chiefly in securing administrative con-
trol "of the Socialist Party, and not in organizing a Communist Party; the C. L.
P. was the accidental result of a convention of delegates who, for a large variety
of reasons, were thrown out of the Socialist Party convention or couldn't agree
with the Socialist Party. This circumstance is expressed in the program of the
Comiuunist I-abor Party, which is a mixture of Syndicalism, Mensbevism, Com-
munism and ordinary parliamentary Socialism. Communism in the C L. P.
Program is "modified." Communist language is used without any understanding
of its real meaning. The general haziness and unclear character of C L. V.
Program is an expression of the Centrism of its leaders and the mixed character
of its membership.

The "unity'' term is meaningless. Communist unity is achieved by bringing
together all class consciouf revolutionary workers into one organizaztion, based
on a definite Communist program and constitution. This unity, however, cannot
be achieved by taking two >cparatc organizations and compromising on a merger
of their programs and constitutions. It the Manifesto, Program and Constitution
oi the Communist Party are in accord with Communist fundamentals (and the
C. L. P. does not deny that they arc) then tlnrc is already in existence a party
with which every conscious Communist can unite.

\Yc feel that there are Communist elements in the C. L. P. To these com-
rades wc repeat our invitation to join the Communist Party— they are more than
welcome ; and wc feel that they will realize their place is in the Communist
Party and not in the C. L, P.

This is the time for action. The wouM ' ,: Trs must be forgotten. The

CUv.ir/Mir/.-* -">*; •'*?"* ***"> *~ ~~ "** '~' ?"**?'* >- ,:

While the Communist Labor Party speaks m mislead!!!,, .
about "unite," first on a "basis or equality," now on "a proper basis
munist Party has made the only concrete proposal that could realize the unity
of all conscious CoinmurM iorees-the only unity that is acceptable: that
branches of the C. L. P. accepting the Program and Constitution of the Com-
munis Party will be admitted to our Party. Unity, in general, ta not a actor
necessariiv making for strength; on the contrary, it often makes or weakness
and disaster. Unity must be on fundamentals, not on bargaining and compromise
of principles. ______^___

Revolutionary Outlook in Germany

WHAT is the revolutionary outlook
in Germany? This question is re-
peated in a thousand ways notj only in
Soviet Russia but also in this country.
Every class-conscious worker is following
with anxiety and alarm the development "l
the counter-revolution in Germany, scarch-
ingly trying to analyze the complex Social
struggle going on there.

Will the German revolution, prosed un-
der the iron heel of that volunteer army of
X'oske and Kcinhard, perish? Or ivill the
passionate gust of regenerated proletarian
energy sweep the shameful inheritance of
Hohenzollcrn and junkers off the face of
the earth? .Sooner or later German history
will have to give a definite answer to thi*
stern question.

The form whicll the struggle in Ger-
many will finally take is not at all a matter
of indifference to the Russian proletarian
revolution. It is al*o of paramount im-
portance to the development of the world
revolution. If there ia any one in the world
whom the Russian worker hates with all the
might of his titanic soul, it is Noske— the
henchman No?,ke, writes Don Irvine in one

of his dispatches from Petrograd. The same
is true of the worker in Germany. Noske ii
the incarnation of the counter-revolution in
Germany, and in proportion as he is hated
by the workers he is being wort-hipped by
the German bourgeoisie . The military-po-
litical machine in the form of the volunteer
army created by Noikc and Reinhard is the
last bulwark of dying reaction. Led by offi-
cers of the old regime, composed mainly of
middle class representatives, and therefore
of conciously counter-revolutionary ele-
ments, this army is the class army of the
bourgeoisie. This the German reactionarie*
understand only too well. The extension of
the date for the demobilizing of the volun-
teer army to next spring, granted by the
peace conference, was prompted by a
similar understanding. They know per-
fectly well that without Rcinhard's cut
throats the Ebcrt Government would be
swept aside by the German proletariat with-
in twenty-four hours. The eolunteer army is
evidently the tool of the international reac-
tion, and naturally no idea of its demobiliza-
tion can be entertained,

(GoDtlauca «b p*f« 6)

P*f» Fsw

THE COMMUNIST

November 22nd \M.

News from Soviet Russia

A SERIES of recent radio metope- tell
A 'of |W*IWI m RllSSU. *'«.ng '"'^

ahead, more than ten thousand rd the moM
^Wcronomkenterpri^ tart been

MoMMl^.|. a *c»r,crl.crn.n«rrr«l.t cd

iBthcii wo*, although * ereat wan) o
lYtngnNl factories had to he

I****, S.n-inrk. etc In most
the COrf»S ul * " orUr>

mo\ ed t >
nf the hip

enterprise-

new factories

A nun) Ik j of large

Tins year, at P<

crca<<<'

jrc tinder construction,
aoisli a br C e hn. -motive plant v. a- com-
pleted awl handed w«* ** frP^fc* .™J
important electric stations will he finished

before the Winter and will famish pOWCr

enough to electrify the whole Moscow

re-ion M Saratov, has been undertaken
the construction of a large plant for manu-
facturing agricultural machinery Fuel pro-
duction, in spite of the loss of the Baku and
Dooctr basins, is still sufficient for a high
dcgTcc of industrial activity.

The 1919 crops are far ahead of those of
Raw material*, flax. wool, cot-
by the break*
availablc in

vhich
famine. It

last year.

ton. metaK— Mill impeded
Uowfl in l ran «■] notation —arc
Yen- large quantities. In fact there are not
xml'v large reserve for the domestic industry
but'alM> large quantities available for export.
The new organisation of industry pro-
motes big* *»te production. There is also
great economv of fuel, labor and of raw
materials in the unified adminMration
through the government, which brings >nto
co-operation all the workers in the same

field.

p._.;„- r mmert

.ic re-opening of tom-

,s with foreign countries, the

Comissariat for Commerce is conducting
preliminary- studies of materials for export
and of the organization and methods re-
quired for such transactions. A discussion
is being carried on in the journal ''Economic
Life" An Institute was opened in the
Spring, in Petrogiad. for the study of In-
ternationa! Commerce.

Internal Commerce.

A recent decree provides for the obliga-
tory exchange of manufactured for agricul-
tural product* This decree now becomes
possible l>ecau-c there is at hand sufficient
machinery of administration to determine
"with reasonable approximation how much
•it manufactured in each line of industry and
what struck*, of agricultural products are

• Mllablf.

This problem of exchange between city
and country lias been of a mo«t serious
cltaracter. Indeed, in Hungary, competent
observer* have declared that it was the
failure of thi* rxchaugc whuh CAUSCd the
breakdown of the Sovid rule, which mi^ht
otherw i«r hav* made a far greater resist-
ance to the Rumanian intervention. In
-flRuM : a. too, there ha*. been some measure
of friction iKtween tov.n and coui.try. Hut
'the fift that central exchange if now pos-
sible »bnvs that the problem is solved.

On!y the co-operative organization* are
allowed to distribute g'K>d* in the country,
thu* barring the speculator*, and avoiding
'boarding by the rich. 1 he (Vmmitariat of
Provision* e^erdses supervising function-

Paper Industry.
The (* rmttrsl Papei Ituresu now ha* at it*

dUpo>:d (A ro^onab/fd paptf mills and 30

that have not vet been nationalised. lhv
most energetic measures nrc being taken

to increase the efficiency of the work ami
excellent results have already heen ob-
tained wit', new processes for tlw manu-
facture of various kind* of paper,

It will he particularly interesting to watch
the development of thU industry in Russia
alongside that ol the United States,
i* in the midst of a newsprint

Has been pointed out that our American

hortage is by no means due to want of
r ..w materials, but to the fact that the
capital invested in this industry holds
hack the use of the Western timber supplies.

Artificial Tea

Since the loss of Siberia. Soviet Russia
ha- been deprived of tea. r. product of prime
necessity. The Supreme Council of Nation-
al Economy went to work
1018 to organize the manufacture of arti-
ficial teas. In less than a year the pro-
duction has been multiplied by fifteen,
and it is still on the increase.

With such evidence of adaptability and
enterprise, one can imagine what wonders
of economic production will yet be per-
formed in free Russia, once the interven-
tion allows all of the workers" energy-
go into productive channels.

rcn The Library Section has nineteen estab-
lishments, each of which circulates an aver-
se of one hundred volumes daily. There are
B Jao children's libraries J and in each i.brary
a circle for reading* and recitations. In
the Summer there were several popular con-
certs in the Moscow parks.
Social Welfare
The Moscow Soviet has done a great deal
of work to protect children and old people.
Hoarding school*, day nurseries, farm
colonies, etc.. have been developed to care
for many thousands of children. Children
from three to seven arc placed in kinder-
gartens in groups of thirty all most, in
order that the establishment may have
more of the character of family life than
.of au official institution. The feeding and
physical and pedagogic crirc arc of tbc n .^ n "
est order. Fifteen thousand Moscow child-
these advantages, and as

November rC n are enjoying

many more

children, from thirteen to seven-

th

Gathering the Harvests

The Supreme Couin.il of National De-
fense decided to send about 50.000 workers
to the districts of Saratov. Samara. Ufa and
Orenburg to help gather the exceptionally
-*%.«. ■»- t harvest of this ves**- In about
two weeks (during August), 20,000 work-
ers were sent, under care of the various
Commissarits concerned and of the De-
partments lor Distribution of Lal»or of the
various industrial centres.

This example of mobilization of labor is
suggestive of the great possibilities in the
organized economic life of the new Russia.

Fine Arts and Recreation

On August 15th was opened at Moscow
the first Museum for Western painting, in
the old Schukin gallery. This gallery is
now open without charge, under the Soviet
power, to all visitors. All the canvasses have
been systematically grouped by schools and
epochs, ajid among the collection are numer-
ous specimens of Matisse. Monet. Nan Jogh.
Cezanne. Picasso, etc.

The Workers Cooperative of Moscow, un-
der the auspices of the Commissariat of
Public Instruction and of the Moscow In-
stitute fur Proletarian Culture, has estab-
lished club houses in the different quarters
of the city, attended each week by more
than 20,000 persons, A Theatrical Sect inn
Conducts fourteen dramatic circles, and each
week give* eight performances. The in-
Struction in dramatic art includes lectures
on literature and the social sciences. The
Music and line Arts Section conduct*
aln>ut fifteen musical circles and in six
months has given eighty concert* attended
by 50,000 persons. 'Hie programs are plan-
ned to make known the national production*
and to bring out the characteristic* of the
various composers.

Many courses, and conferences are con-
ducted with the object of developing the
inste and desire <>f the workers for know-
ledge. Ttirre are Special courses for women,
sprdal club*, homes and colonies for child-

teen years of age, arc on the Soviet estates
near Moscow.

The Social-Welfare Section has also in its
charge about 9000 invalids. Recently a
systematic struggle has been undertaken to
get rid of professional mendicants. They
are taken, according to physical condition,
cither to the workhouse or to the rest
houses.

The Pensions Section has under its
charge 50.000 Pensioners, not counting the
soldiers of the old army. It was decided
to arrange at once for the care of the
families of the men who have been mobilized
by direct delivery to them of the national
■products.

% rfn'i-s eoi/TACaw*,** ; ■ '•">+/L- r 'L*+*; m u. nea/.
the recent accounts of the Manchester
Guardian correspondent, W. T. Goode, of
conditions of life in Moscow. He had heen
told, for instance, that he would find no
children left in Moscow, at least none un-
der ten years of age. He write*: "The
actuality was ludicrously opposite. No-
where have 1 seen such families, so many
very young children, as in Moscow and the
surrounding country. What is more ,to my
thinking, there is no country in the world
where more care, money and thought are
bestowed on the children by the Govern-
ment than in Russia today. To the age
of 17 their wants in the way of food are
supplied gratis on the level of the highest
category of rations. Their schools, theatres,
and amusements are a special Care, and
colonies have been formed in the country to
which great numbers were drafted in the
Summer for reasons at once educational and
physiological. And the care In-gins before
they arc lK>rn."

Mr. Goode, by the way. informs us that
the food supply is attaining normal again,
and much of the rationing has heen des-
pensed with. Also this correspondent again
brings testimony of the fact that prostitu-
tion has disapeared from Moscow life, diie
to the improved economic and social posi-
tion of woman under Bolshevism.

BOLSHEVISM IN NORWAY.

The Left Part> in Norway polled 25O.000
votes, winning $Z seats in the Parliament.

flic program is revolutionary and tne
party (Policies are of the most aj5|pTc*.*lve
character, including Soviets among tho*e
Itnbk: to military service. Support of the
Soviet rule in Russia Is without reserv*

nt ion.

X vV cmber22 rulWK

THE COMMUNIST

r*c« riv

Where Do You Stand?

GO hack just n link- way*, in the history
nfnur own nation to the da\ s immediat-
ely before tire Civil War. All of the churches
touth of the Mason-Dixon line wer» opposed
t<t ihe abolition of slavery — l»e*cauj,e the
church member? owned the sla.es. Thvir
lCO n(>mk interest decided liwh religion and
then they hunted up ^ crscs in the * Md Testa-
ment to prove their point. The churches of
Xew England were likewise united, because
tbrir cotton mills depended upon the product
of slave labor. Therefore they persecuted
Wendell Imillips and Lloyd Garrison. ( Xi
the other hand, the churches in those north-
cm states which did not depend so directly
upon the cotton fields were the first to join
in the abolition-movement. Yon could preach
voursclf black in the face, but those south-
erners could not and would not see the
ideals of freedom for the black man When
it meant financial upset for them.

The case is identical today. The church
derives its income as a result of the present
svstem of industrial autocracy and she is
not £oing to commit suicide unless she can
help it. She has never considered that
Jesus' sayings: "He that loseth his life
jhall save ft," and "Greater love hath no
man than this, that a man lay down his life
for his friend/* had anything to d<> with the
church as an institution. I think that 1 am
within the bounds of truth when 1 say that
the average minister would think it a sac-
rilege to sacrifice the church for the en use
oi humanity. The ministry, and J might
say the average church member also, has
become so accustomed to think ot the wel-
fare of the church that they very seldom
stop and ask themselves: "'Suppose we
had every child an attendant in the Sun-
day School, how would conditions be
changed?" If the church members in that
day^^iv: _ pa\ thc-faiTHi w-e.*.., *"' 1

of our prominent ones arc paying in »*..*.. »it
today, if those who wort- employers hail as
little dealing with the laboring class :>s the
proverbial Jew had with the Samaritan.
we must admit that the only appreciable
difference would be that the ministers and
priests would probably receive a lhmg wage
and an old age pension.

Let me -'.raw a comparison: Pn
Jewish synagogue appealed to tb<
loyalty to their organization. I
of piety was to give one-tenth oi
cume to the temple, be regit*
services and punctilious in t.u* iit«ervancc »>'
their "law." Jesus came as one of the old
prophets with a real message «*t brother-
Hocd. They hounded him from the begin-
ning and sought how they might accuse
him and put him to death. Why' Be-
cause the Komans will come and take away

l^th ..nr uln.-.- nncl Citlf Uat)<»n." TllCV did

]K-

e old
■pleV
• height
your in-
r at the

By Paul Taylor

(Extracts from a Sermon, upon leaving the
Church — reprinted from "Unit/*).

Thrre has not been one item ot" benefit to the
people included in their program." Those
who are in control of the church machinery
in this country stand absolutely in harmony

the

It nuv be true

■\omans wv
our place and our nation.
nut care for the welfare ot the coimnon
people; they were thinking i»t the pros-
perity of their institution and thc:r own
positions. And 1 do not hold that they
Here necessarily so « vil. They v. ere probably
►incere in the belief that these were of prim-
ary importance. "Sell -preservation
first law of liie" they tell us.
to h limited extent, but it is « «S the la< la%v
or the highest one.

And what has that to do with th
today? Simply this: The attitude ot the
ehuTch leader* I*, identical. They -re talking
e«f Church unity with 4vo other motive than
lo k«*p themMie* intact aga3n*t the enonii
"U* irmtia ot the great mass of \*c »ple
:,r i raising funds again*.! t
there will Ik- hint and h

church

They
dav ulieti
coming in.

blind and think thai sermon* >vhich will en-
tertain and not instruct, frosted with social*
fluting the week, will build up a Kingdom of
Heaven Oil earth, because it builds up their
church and solves their sabrry problem. OtJ
the other hand the great ma?s of people, yes,
"even the least of these, my bretbrn," ire
coming to the conclusion that they can trust
with those who put Jesus to death. Yes. 017, y themselves in the future. They are
they would even imprison, deport or kill all
those who are opposed to the system — as
Jesus opposed that in his day. They will
not argue with you, they will not inett you
on a fair platform, they siinpl) want to get
you out of the way in the quickest |H*ssiblc
manner because you are a stumbling block.
I wish that I could get one of these gentle-
men who is so colicitous about thy divine
mission of the church <-n a platform to
debate the subject. 1 do not deny that
she has a divine mission, but 1 do hold
that she does not and cannot fulfil! it as
long as she exists for herself with absolutely
no program for the relief of the world. Ijf
she de»es not want Socialism or Bolshevism
it is her duty to offer something better. And
it must be something more than the promise
that the capitalist will from now on be con-
siderate and generous. The working man
does not want kindness and charity, but
justice! We did not ask the southern slave
owner to be kind to his slaves but compelled
him to set them free. Xor is this the time
to a>k the employing class to show consider-
ation. The time has come to do away with
classes and establish the world-wide broth-
erhood !

There is not the remotest chance for the
church of today to take this stand. It
would mean the crippling of their organiz-
ation. That is why sonic have opposed me
here — not hecat"- I was wrong, but he-

*anse It "was " "i ' the church.

Those who co-operated with Hilly Sunday
know now that 1 was right, but they were
willing to put up with his crude theology and
burlesque manners because they hoped to
secure srmie members thereby. If they have
followed the so-called peace conference at
Versailles which has had "o|>en comenants.
■nly arrived at." and have compared their
with the Secret Treaties, they know

thrit 1 was right when I in>>tcd that this

war held pn promi>c for the rank and file

of the people. My position ha> always

been this: it is of no vital concern to the

people of any nation as to whether Ger-
man. English. Trench or American capi-
talist- control the Bagdad railroad and

the mines of Alsacc-Loraine. The condition

of the people will be the same. That is why

1 could not forsake the gospel of the Broth-
erhood of Man during these pa>t two years

and exalt Uncle Sam as the only inn] with

President Wilson as the Me-siah. I was

looking after the. effect- upon the people—

during the war and after it- and not the

effects upon the church and im carter in it.
Hut I do see a struggle which i*. wo: th the

entire energy of any man. 1 have Come lo

the conclusion that this struggle is outride

ot th«* church and that those who ate in i r .

are rightly prejudiced against th ■ chinch.

We cannot help them if we will. The\ <\^i

not want the people to work for them but

with them.

The trouble with the tour autocrats >it-

hlg at the peace table i« tlueP they cannot

realize that we are <,u the edge of a new day ;

thev think that political reorganization will

re-cue the world. The trouble with our

rhurih dignitaries is that they ;tre likewise

upeniy

rising like a mighty flood the world around.
To be in the floodtide, to be one o* them in
their struggle, their disappointments, their
mistakes, their hardships, their final tri-
umph?— "is no job for a priest, it calls for
a manP My heart is with them. 1 love
their spontanehy, their sincerity, their
need*!. I can feel no common tie with those
who live on their hacks as employers or so-
called labor leaders, but most of aN I have
a profound distaste for the man who -re-
peats the prayer "thy Kingdom come, thy
will be dime on rarth. as it is in heavm"
and thinks he shall be heard for his much
speaking, when he will not so much as
lift the load with his little finger.

I was brought up to l»c tactful. I was
told in the seminary to follow the adno-
nition of Paul and feed the people with
milk when they could not stand raeat—
for the sake of the organization. I have
done it, but nc\er again! I am throtqgh,
with that method. From now on k is
going to be meat, and those who have not
good teeth will either have to go to the
dentist or have a case of indigestion!
There are two sides to this fundamental
economic question, which is just another
name for the labor question : the side of Ike
capitalist and that of the worker. Some day
1 am going to give a talk on "The tJeneral
Public, a Myth." The churches rather boast
that they represent the middle class. Inr
i nc sense they are right: tbz? are on
neither one **de of the fence or the other,
they are "middle class/* For me the time
has come to- get off the fence. The apple is
in two and I must decide which side is to
be mine. I certainly refuse to chew on the
core, because, as th<* little boy said, there
soon "ain't goin to be no core.'

May I sum up what I have tried lo say?
The big. \ ital problem of the day is »n
economic one, a labor one. The contest is
between those who live by owning and those
who live by working. Wo m;;>t *olve it be-
fore we can go o;i. J*. >!u?cs w H! not wdve it.
Preaching ideals iviiJ not solve it unlos that
preaching lead to some very definite con-
crete action. The church today is in favor
of the present system of industrial organ-
ization because she is prosperous under it
— just as >hc was under chattel slavery and
feudalism. Where she is not actually up-
holding the svstein .she is doing it indi-
rectly by taking a middle ground and as-
suring her people that the interests of the
employer and employe, capital and labor, are
identical. She will do anything from con-
demning violence on the part of labor to
extolling the virtues of a capitalistic war
-^according to the suggestion of a pros-
titute press. They have sense enough not
to dictate, that would be crude and too ob-
vious.

Where do you think Jc-ais would stand
in this struggle? 1 know ! He was a work-
ing man and lived for outcasts and op-
pressed. He would disdain to make hit
pxxehiug a means of a successful career.
He would not today be above luring na
place tn lay hi* head. He would cort-
t Continued on page ft)

faf* fix

THE COMMUNIST

November ZlrA 1919.

Revolutionary Outlook in Germany

•That the
Hohcnzolkrn

(Coatinu^J from p**r Z)

The social scoundrels, the Eberts, Schetde-

manns and Baucrs nominally in power arc
,n ttalit> miserable pawns in the hands of
reactionary [Militarism.

The reader certainly remembers the inci-
dent concerning Captain Kemhard com-
mandcr o* the Berlin detachments of the vo-
lunteer army. Thta fellow is an avowed
monarchist and openly says so to everyone,
Tta the respectful question put to him by
-VoTwaru". relative to hi> demonstrative
manifestation of monarchist sympathies.
Rcinhard declared square!*
time for restoration of the
has not come; the Allies at this juncture
will not praise us for that, but"— it is
tbis but which is significant — "when the
time does come, the Reinhards will know
iv hat to do"

We will now touch upon the strike of
farm hands in Poinerania which took place
last July. The Pomeranian farm hands
decided to form a Union and declare war
upon the junkers. This movement was not
of a revolutionary character, but it was net
ertheJess dangerous by reason that it might
become revolutionary. The Berlin and
Pomeranian junkers sensed that should the
agricultural workers unite with, the city
workers their power would be at an end.
That is why. by the order erf the "Social-
ist" government in Merlin, martial Law was
declared in Pomerania and the Keinhard
detachment* ordered there. .The strike was
broken by the united efforts of the volunteer
army, Pomeranian junkers and the govern-
ment "Socialists". Is th.Mv need of a bet-
ter illustration to reveal the real character
<•* the p^\U of hounds ru!,'.^ Cerr.um- it
present?

"How i> demobilization progressing:"
asks "Freedom", the daily o{ the Independ-
ents, pointing out further, that millions upon
millions of the people's money is being spent
for the support of the army and in order to
keep it on a war footing. Demobilization
has been completely forgotten. On the con-
trary more and more new recruits are being
taken into the army.

The politically blind from the Menshevik
camp, who always whimpered about Bol-
shevism ''creating reaction", would benefit
greatly by looking facts squarely in the face.
They would see the truth, evident to all
politically literate people: that social-patri-
otism is the midwife of the boldest and
blackest reaction.

The Baltic adventure is being talked
about everywhere. There i«. no doubt that
tire German eonnter-rewdution has built a
strong nc>t there and is putting its shoulders
to the wheel of the Russian and German re-
action. -'The daily of the Berlin Independent*.
'Free-ion*". i> hardly mistaken whin it as-
sem confidently that the day is pear when
the "iron divisions" of Von der GoHr.,
united with Krinhard volunteers, will put
nn end to the rrpnblican form of government
• itd reestablish the monarchy. The Berlin
correspondent of the Kiitisb "Hairy Herald"
4« of the nant opmsoft He claimi that such
i» the cum id ion of the general public and
that the <-<.ci:,!-;.-itnnli are absolutely pow-
trle« in the fare of the reactionary general*.
Von der Gr.lt/ if attracting into the Baltic
province a greit n\»mtrr of reactionary
rharlstam and ad\ enturer*, promising them
l*nd 4n« land of the LettMj peasanu,

l*p to 3 wry fcfeorf time ago ill over

provinces recruiting (or the "iron division"
continued. And the social-patriotic govern-
ment did not even lift a finger to stop it,
though it understood perfectly well the
purpose of the mobilization ot the reac-
tionaries. It knew that the reactionaries
were gathering their forces, for use against
revolutionary Russia.

About the present attitude of the Berlin
government towards the adventure in the
Baltic, Price writes the following: "The
events in the Baltic provinces throw light
on the situation in Germany The govern-
ment of Ebert and Bauer has ordered
the military commanders to evacuate
Couriatid. The latter not only do not pay
any attention to these order but act contrary
to them."

We are inclined to think that the orders
are written for appearance only.

So the government of Ebert and Scheidc-
mann is playing the role of traitor not only
to its own people. It is selling out the Rus-
sian revolution by actively opposing it on the
Baltic front.

The strike wave in Germany has not sub-
sided. Without the aid of martial law and
other extraordinary measures the govern-
ment cannot take a step. Not only the
volunteer army but the police also are
on a real war footing. White Terror is rag-
ing all over the country.

What is the attitude of the great masses
that actively participate in political life?
We shall not talk about the Spartacans who
.have not laid down their arms even in the
darkest hour of counter-revolutionary mad-
ness. Wc do not doubt for a moment that
this influence is growing in depth and w idth.
A sudden turn towards the left is manifest
among those worker? belonged to the

Independent »uciaoW. ; s was evidences
at their conference last September. The
party membership is openly leaning towards
Bolshevism. The leaders take the position
of the centre. The renegade Kautsky, form-
erly considered the leader of the Independ-
ents, does in reality represent no one but
himself. He is sinking deeper and deeper into
the quagmire of Seheidemannism and in his
dastardly attack on Soviet Russia he goes
beyond even Bernstein. But Kautsky is
harmless at present. The masses have come
to understand his "Marxism." After the
September conference great numbers • of
large and small branches of the Independent
Socialist party voted in favor of joining the
Third International. This move towards
the Third International is still continuing.
Sooner or later it will result in a split in the
Independent Party. The masses and sonic
leaders will join the Communist*; the "Kaut-
skianists" will go with thr. government
party of the social skunks. That will be a
great gain in the interests of the revolution.
There are certain workers in Crennany
whu go hand in hand with the Scheidemanu
party. They are the so-called "labor aristoc-
racy". But even these setni-bourgeoise ele-
ments arc manifesting their dissatisfaction
with the present government policy.. At the
convention of the *nciaI-pntrtot< at Weimar.
many ^perches nt protest were mad ? against
N'o>ke & Co, The convention parsed a reso-
lution against the volunteer army. And
there were^ases of whole branches leaving
the party.

This growing dissatisfaction certainly
does not strengthen the position of the Ebert
government.

Taking all this into consideration we may
draw the conclusion that the revolution of

*aid its o p word. The German peoktariat
Witt? j-ffc measure its strength against the
bourgeoisie.

Where Do You Stand?

(Continued from p*«e 6J

sider it an insult if the world today should
call him a "successful and influential min-
ister" just because he had been wise and
shrewd enough to keep things smooth while
accomplishing nothing. lie would scorn to
ask men to lead a "devotional" life without
having them devoted to his cause. He would
have no hesitancy in condemning those who
cry alood the housing problem and then
make their pile by holding land out of use for
speculating purposes. He would not asso-
ciate with a man who made hi* mark in tb?
world by "pay" 1 ? sucn vvages in* his store
that only girls "who live at how" could
work there. He would laug.i at our "dy-
namic" Detroit and our inhuman civiliza-
tion. And do you imagine that he would
rise in the world,. that he would be a suc-
cessful minister or enterprising business
man? .Not While there was a lower class
he would be one of them-, whHe there was
xi struggling group who wanted not only
a chance to exist, but an opportunity to
live the "more abundant life" he would
struggle with them. He would- gather
them together as a hen would gather her
chickens; he might weep over Jerusalem,
but he would then go down into the city,
even if it meant the taking up of the cross
and carrying it on lonely shoulders to Cal-
vary.

Where do you stand? There is no middle
ground — "he that is not for me « against
me." I am sorry that it so. but. today we
must decide whether we are to, be loyaJ to
iiyrch, -which beats *»»*- «>tk

people who are in need of deliverance trom
bondage. I am comparatively a young man.
but I want the strength of my youth to go
into the great struggle for the toiling masses
whom I love, rather than the doubtful and
very discouraging task of Christianizing the
Church*

When the Church calls me to be loyal to
the institution and He calls me to be true to
the Kingdom, I must follow His train. I
entered the ministry to promote the Broth-
erhood of Man and now I am leaving it for
the same purpose.

Germany, and particularly in the southern the Grrman laboring classes has not yet

LETTRE5 DE CACHET

MEMBERS or Communist Party in
Chicago-- Comrades Kowalski, Preis,
Faulkner, Krispens, and others— are being
condemned to prison on warrant.

On formal deportation charges, based
merely on membership in the party, bail is
fixed at $10,000. an absolutely prohibitive
figure.

The American bureaucracy makes no
pretense of observing the traditional prin-
ciples of Anglo-Saxon criminal practice in
its political inquisitions.

Imprisonment on a bare statutory charge :
and. in fact, four or five days of -ailing
vwthrm; even the warrant— these r.rc Amer-
ican improvements over the C/ar and Kaiser
methods.

II earing is completed in the Stoklitsky
case at Detroit; also in the Shumovich and
ltie/nak canes at Chicago. In the Utter
two cakes a brief is to be filed by the party
counsel, I. E. Ferguson, which wilt involve
only the single isme of whether or not
menilwrtblp in the Communis Party is of
it*flf a basis, for deportation.

THE COMMUNIST

r«»* Sr-*»

Bourgeois Democracy and Proletarian Dictatorship

Br N. Lcaii

TrflE development o* .»e "revolutionary
Movement of the proletariat in all
COttBtmS his inspired the Bourscosie — and
il> »prci> in the labor-Orgranir-atir-n* — t^
jtr"^'^ efforts in the discovery of ideal-
ise political arguments in favor of the con-
tra now exercised by the exploiters. In
rhcsC arguments special emphasis is laid
; ^-, the rejection of dictatorship and the
.^/c-jruarding c: democracy. Vet the hypo-
critical -and lying Jiature ct such arguments,
recocted in a thousand -variations by the
capitalist press, and by the Conference of
the yellow international held in Berne dur-
ing February 1919, mast be obvious* to any-
one who does -not contemplate betrayal ot
rhe banc principles of socialism

U,

These arguments depend primarily upon
the cencepts of "essential democracy" and
"essential dictatorship," never -raising the
aoestion of the class implicated. Such a
formulation oi the problem fro-m a point of
view ^part from and abov- the class view-
point and ostensibly valid for the population
.v a whole, is a direct mockery of the basic
principle of socialism, namely, the principle
ot tht class-struggle, a principle -which is
acknowledged in words but forgotten in
deeds by those Socialises who have gone
over to the camp of the bourgeoisie. For
• • no civilized capitalist country docs "es-
sential democracy" exist, but only a bour-
geois democracy, and thx: question does not
turn on "essential dictatorship" but on. dic-
tatorship by the oppressed class, i. e.. the
btoJeuBat, ov<x .tie opp.^sors ana' ex-
ploiter*, i. e.. the bourgeoisie, for the purpose
of overcoming the resistance of the exploit-
ers i. eir struggle to remain in control.

JII.

History teaches that an oppressed class
never could acquire power without going
throuffi a period of dictatorship, i. c., a
|iencd of conquest of the political power
and oi forcible suppression Ot the desperate
and frantic resistance, shrinking from no
crime-, that is always displayed by the ex-
ploiters: The bourgeoise, whose control is-
now defended by Socialists who ,prr,tr of
"essential dictatorship" and who are body
and sool for "essential democracy »** won
its domination in the etviliaeed countries by
titans of a series of revolutions and civil
wars, by means of the forcible suppression
' ' yal power, of feudal power, of slavc-
bnldcts, and of their attempts to re-t-stabli-h
thtrr.-tive--. In book?, in pamphlets, in the
nidations of their congresses, in their
speeches. Socialists in all countries liave
explained to the people a thousand, nay, a
miHion times, the class-nature of this
buot£to« revolution. That is why the pres-
ent* dt Icn^e of "bourgeois democracy* 1 in
sreechrs in "essential democracy* 1 * and the
\' Sfnt denunciation of the dictatorship Ot
tb« proletariat in the outcry against "es-
sential dictatorship." constitutes a direct
net ray jj of Socialism, an actu.d defection
into the uni]> of the bourgeoisie, a denial
fi1 U e right of the proletariat to it> proletar-
1 it revolution, a detent of bmtrgCOt* rr-
f" '" ,«ta at an historical crin* when l>nur-
K<r> ns, rHornUSm the w».rld ovrr lias col-
l^I-td and the war has created a revolu-
t »nary *itu»tloo.

(Th* fcAJcwinjf The.«=rji by Cotnrmtle le-
nin, wijieh formulate the theory uftdertviajr
the altitude of the Communal lotematio-
ba! with r^poet to tSc problem of
Bonrgcote Democracy and VYoloUnaa Bx-
taWrs w ,ii>.w-ore transmitted to tr*e Rureau of
th* International with Instruetions to pro-
cure tor thrm the tcMot possible pubticitYl.

IV.

In explaining the class-nature of bourgeon
civil iration. of bourgeois parliamentarism,
alt Socialists liave uttered the thought set-
forth with the utmost scientific exactness
by ^Marx and Iungcls: that the most derno*
cratie boutgeois republic is nothing but a
machine for the oppression t>f the laboring
class by the bourgeoisie, of the mass of
workers by a handful of capitalists. There
is not a single former revolutionary, not a
single erstwhile Marxist among those who
now declaim against dictatorship and in
favor of democracy who did not atone time
swear, by all that he held most holy, that
he acknowledged this basic truth of Soci-
ahsm. Now. however, when there is a
ferment among the proletariat and a move-
ment aimed at the destruction of this ma-
chine of oppression and at the conquest of a
dictatorship for the proletariat, these trait-
ors to Socialism place the matter in sTseh a
light as to make it seem that the bourgeoisie'
has actually made a gift of "pure de-
mocracy" to the workers, that the bour-
geoisie are disposed to forego all resistance
and to yield to a majority of the workers.
that a democratic republic is not a political
instrument for the oppression of labor by
-capital.

V.

The Paris Commune, Which is applauded
by all who wish to be recoguUed is Soc-
ialists, since they know that the mass of the
workers ha\ e a great and sincere sympathy
with it. — the l'ari- Commune revealed most,
clearly the historical relativity and the
limited value ^i l»onrgeois parliamentarism
and bourgeois democracy which, in com-
pari son with the Middle Ages, constitute
verv progressive institutions, to be sure.
but which in this Age of the Proletarian
Revolution call inevitably for radical
changes, Marx himself, who set the great-
est store on the historical significance oi the
Commune, laid bare in his analysis of the
movement the exploilutjj nature of bour^eoiv
democracy and bourgeois parliamentarism,
a svstem which giv*"* the oppressed eb>s thr
right to decide, oner :n so many yearSs
which ambassador of the owning classes i-
to >tand for and upon the people in parlia-
ment. And it is at this tune, when the
so\ict-mo\cmcnt is, taking hold nil over
the world, carrying on the cause of tlu-
Commune everywhere, that the betrayers of
Socialism forget both practical experience
and the concrete lessons oi the l\in> Com-
mune and repeat the ancient bourgeois
nonsense about "essential democracy*** The
Commune wa> a non-parliameutary insti-
tution.

VI.

The importance of the Commune lay in
the further fact thu it made an attempt to
destroy and upr»*»t the Knirgrois state-
machinery, the bureaucratic, judicial, mili-
tary, and police machinery, and to replace
it by the self governing mas^-urganizaiioii
t>f vexirkrr^, rid of the separation uf lej;^-
Utiic anj administrative power. All the
bnttrgeoift-dtniocratic republics »>f our tin\<..

among them the German, -which, by a
mockery of th c truth, is designated as a
protetartan repubhe by the betrayers of
Socialism, have retained this bourgeois
state-machinery. All of wh ; eh proves, again
and again, most plainly and clear'v, that the
outcry raised in defense of ''essential de-
mo-eraex" represents nothing but the de-
fense of the bourgeoisie and its exploitation-
privileges.

VI f.

"Freedom of -assembly" may be taken as
an* example of the requirements of **pnre
democracy,'*' Every conscjcnrs worker who
has not "deserted hiy class sees without
further ado that rt wvuld be nonsense to
promise his exploiters freedom of assemWr
during the period and under the circum-
stances when the latter art resisting their
downfall and defending their privileges; At
a period when the bourgeoisie itself w>«
still revolutionary, it did not allow freedom
of assembly, cither in England in 1640» or
in France- in 17*93, to the royalists ^nd
nobility- (when the latter broug-ht foreign
troops into the country and "assembled"' in
rM-der to organize an attempt at restoration).
Should the contemporary bourgeoisie, long"
since become reactionary, demand that the
proletariat guarantee in advance "freedom
t?( assembly" to thefr exploiters regardtesj
of- w hat opposition the capitalists may set
up 3^atnsttbeir dispossesrion, then the pro-
letariat will merely be moved to laughter at
such a display oi bourgeois hypocrisy.

On the other hand, workers know Very
w c'l f ha! ^freedom of assembly." even in the
roost" ocratic burgvois republic*, rs an
e~ >, for the wealthy classes have

the disposal *st public and private

buildings. an< . »«.c enough Veisnrc for

assemblage. They enjoy triv- 4 r>rrrf ection of
the bourgeois machinery of force. The city
and the village proletariat, as well as -the
peasants, i. e., the overwhelming majority
or the population, have neither the first, nor
the second, nor the third. So long as this
stale of affairs continues, ""equality**, i,* e-*
"p-^rc democracy," will remain a fraud. In
order to establish a real equality, Jn order
actually to realize democracy for the work-
ers, it would be necessary first to take all
the magnificent private and public structures
away from the exploiters, to provide leisure
for the workers, and to see to it that the
freed. mi of their assemblies is safeguarded
by armed workers, not by scions of the
nubility or In officers drawn from, capital-
istic circles and placed in command of in-
timidated troops.

.Wt nntsl such a change has taken place
will it be possible to >|»eak of freedom of
assembly, or" equality, without making mock
of '.he working people .of the poor. But thti
change can l>c brought about only by the
vanguard of the working people, the prole-
tariat, which dethrones the exploiters, the
bourgeoisie.

VIII.

"IVredoui of the pre-s" i* another of the
chief watelnvords oi '"pure democracy. M But
ivorkets Ml know, and the Soriah'sti of all
countries have admitted millions of tintc*.
that this freedom ntuvt remain a fraud as
long as the best presses and the most abund-
ant supplies of paj*r remain in the hands
of the capitalists, as lon^ as capital retains
iu power over the press, -^a control wbuh
manifests itst If most clearly and sharply,
most cynically, wherever democracy and a

r**e Eigtht

THE COMMUNIST

republican regime are most highly devel-
oped, n«, for example, in America. In order
to win a real equality and a real democracy
lor the. working ma.«>sc$. lor thr workers and
peasants, it will be necessary first to deprive
Ihc capitalists of the possibility of hiring
writer*. irf buying publishing plants, of brib-
ing newspaper*. And lo accomplish t 1 *' 5 •*
will be necessary to shake off the yoke of
capitalism, to dethrone the exploiters, and
to break their resistance. Capitalists have
aiwavs meant by "freedom" the freedom
of profits for the rich and the freedom of the
;>oor to perish of starvation. Capitalists
mean by freedom of the press the freedom
of the rich to bribe the press, the freedom to
employ wealth in the manufacture and the
ratification of so-called public opinion. < hue
again, the defenders of "pure democracy*'
reveal themselves as in reality the defenders
of this most vile and pimhaseable sy>tcin
of control by the rich over the means of
enlightening the poor, as betrayers of the
people necking with fair but lyinp phrases
to divert them from their concrete histori-
es* task of freeing the press from the con-
trol of capital. Real freedom and real
equality will exist in the order which the
Communists are creating, an order which
will provide no possibility, direct or indi-
rect, for subjecting thc pre** to the might
of moneys an order in which nothing will
prevent the worker (or group of workers of
any size) from j>osscssing and exercising an
equal right to the presses and the paper sup-
plies belonging to society.

X.

Even before the war, the history of the
l^lh and 20th century showed ns what be-
comes of the boasted "pure democracy" un-
der Capitalism. The Marxists have always
mainniiifd that the more highly developed,
the more "pure" a democracy is *hc more
open, keen, and merciless will " -ture

of the class- -tn:ggle. ' h <* '" - "«%»<~«- «*l-
be the pressure of -d the dictator-

ship of the bourgeoisie. I nc Dreyfus affair
in ^publican Prance. t!;e bloody conflicts
between mercenaries armed by capital and
Striking laiiorcrs in the free and democratic
republic of America, these and a thousand
-other facts nveal the truth which the boor-

geoi^ir has sought in \ain to i nnccal. name-
ly, that in the most democratic countries
the Terror and the dictatorship of the
bourgeoisie are really in control and come
out openly into the light of day whenever
it scenic to the exploiters that the power of
capital is tottering.

X.

The imperialistic war, 1914-1918, has once
and for all time proven even to the most
backward worker*, that the true nature of
bourgeois democracy even in the most' free
republics is dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.
For the sake of enriching German and Eng-
lish groups of millionaires, millions of
human beings were murdered, and in the
most free republics the military dictatorship
of the Iwurgeoisie was established. Tins
military dictatorship continues in the En-
tente nations even after the defeat of <*<r-
mauy. The war. more than anything else,
has served to open the eyes of the workers,
to tear the false veil from Ix.urgeois de-
mocracy, and to reveal to the people the
whole abyss of war-time speculation and
profiteering. In the name of freedom and
equality the bourgeoisie has conducted this
war; ill the name of freedom and equality
the purveyors of war-munttons have be-
come incredibly ruh. All the efforts of the
Yellow International at Heme to conceal
from the masses the ik>w completely un-
masked exploiting character of bourgeois
freedom, of bourgeois equality, and of
bourgeois democracy, are doomed t»i futility.

XI.

Its the most highly developed capitalist
country on the European continent, in Ger-
many, the first mouths of complete repub-
lican freedom, brought by the overturn of
imperialistic Germany, have shown German
workers and the whole world the real class-
<v*nt(\nr. of. •hi".. iv^v-^'^tvwbWii^ wpihr
lie. The murder of Karl Liebknccht and
"Ro*a Luxembourg are events of world-his-
torical significance not only because the
best leaders of tin- true proletariat Commun-
ist International came to tragic deaths, but
also because the class-character of the first
State in Europe — without exaggeration, the

November 22nd l«)|i>,

fir ,t ^'tate in the world -has definitely re-
vealed itself. If tbosc under arre«t, i, c . fc
dividual))" taken under the protection of the
power of the State, can fsfely be iniurdetH
|>y officer* and capitalists under \ «ad**.
patriotic regime, it follows that the demo-
critic republic in winch such things can
transpire is a dictatorship of the Lo-irgeoisir.

Individuals who express their indignation
at the murder**! Karl l.kbknecht *nd R u , a
Luxembourg but who cannot perceive this
truth demonstrate nothing but their stupidity
or their hypocrisy. In one of the most free
and advanced republics of the world, in the
German Republic, ''freedom*' ccmsist.s in
the freedom to kill, unpunished, the arrested
leaders of the proletariat. Nor can things
be otherwise so long as capitalism tnaintims
itself, for the development of democracy
does not diminish but heightens the war of
the classes, which as a result and v.nder the
influence of the world war has now reached
the boiling point.

Throughout the whole civilized world th c
deportation, persecution, and imprisonment
of the Bolshcviki is the order of thc day,
as. e. g., in one of the most free bourgeois
republics, Switzerland. Note also the Bob
shevikt-progroms in America, and the like.
From the standpoint of "essential democ-
racy." it is simply ridiculous that progres-
sive, civilized, democratic countries, armed
to the teeth, should t>e afraid of a lew dozen
individuals coming from bafkward, hungry.
ruined Russisa which is denounced as savage
and criminal in millions of copies of
bourgeois newspapers. It is clear that the
social condition which can produce so
clamorous a contradiction is in reality a
dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.

XII.

Under circumstances such as these the
Dictatorship of thc Proletariat is not only
fully justified as a means toward dispo-
scEsurg tne ^xpiotteTV *.nU fO*-ifc ."*»p-
prcssing their resistance, but it is aito ab-
solutely necessary for the whole mass of
workers ls their only protection against the
dictatorship of the bourgeoisie which has led
to the war and is preparing for new wars.

To be continued in next issue}-

New Jersey State Secretary Report on Organization

Newark. N. "J. Nov. 11th.
Dear Comrade Editor: —

Thc New Jersey State Organiiation of the
Conzmun : *t Party of America hihl iU first Con-
vention on November l#t ami 2nd, 1919 in New-
ark, with 62 delegates prr.^ent, representing 41
branches vritn a total membership of 1.678 in
the *tate. (Aproximatclv 4<K) members in 12
branch*** affiliated with the Communist Party
wire unit-presented at thc Convention, due to
various technical reasons*).

The report of thc Organization. Press and 1 .it-
erator*! Committee was adopted with few chang< s.
The report conxisle** in part o.':— (1» an org»n-
irattos plan to form 9 locals of the parly in the
Ktate <lhi» vcm referred to the Central Executive
Committc* of the oartv for Kanrtion); (2) the
Stat* Office to lie located in Ne*aifc; (3) New
Jersey to have a paid Secretary, who »ha!! devote
much tinv to orKaniiattun wnk: (4) In the Stat-
Office Khali be i'e>k-*pace for the Statr-Seere-
tnrW* of the Language Federations; <*>> To
p*aer a Specie" Organise* in the field n» ."•«"» an
potrtbi*", (6) Tn arrange for lectnre tmir* through
thr *\*\> . <"> The Mate Committee »an given
the uul) only t<- 1< v> Special Af-*f*-ymerA*. not to
#-\etf<l 2£ r^-nt* per mfmbcr; IM The Malar; of
U> \m A official* not to rxeeed that of the r.n
l.ftiMd oral.-, which i* »Hi p* r wnk: (9> The State
Office Lo be the Central Hur*-au for tbe party Hi-
emlun •; (10) The Slute f!omruilUe to i>.*«Ui' leaf-
lei-, in a*y Unfiiare. oft the «rue,tion.-. of tlw day;
f if t 1 «•• hrurxXw* were ur^d to »lre#-* Uu-ratun*
,(>*trS*.irti« at lb* present lime; |I2> Tlmt the

I.anpuaire Ferlei ations l»e rcquesteil to pay into
the State* Treasury thc per capita which ac-
cumulated in thrse Federations during the period
<»f their suspension from thc Socialist Party, up
until tbe organization of the Communist Party
(Sept. 1st).

The State Constitution adopted concurre I with
thc National Constitution of the party ami em-
l.odied provisions for a centralized State Organisa-
tion; annual State Conventions, a State Commit-
tee of 15 to meet once a month; and an Executive
of 5 to meet once a week.

Comrade Walter Gabriel, of Newark, wa*
elected ax State Secretary anil Comrade lx>uis
11 rand t, al."o of Newark, wu? elected a* Organiier.
The State Committee was elected by the Conven-
tion; it was representative of eight out of the
ten language groups in New Jersey.

Ucsolution* were udoptcd as follows: — (1 and
2) Greetings to the Third International and to
tbe supporter* of the Soviet Government in Rua-
>ia; (A) Acceptance v { the Manifetsto, Program
imd Constitution of the Communist Party as a
v.hulc; (4) A "call" to the American working-
cIj.-.h to effect tlic release of lire political prison-
its and to bit uk the blorkaile of Soviet Russia;
(ft) Pteitging the State Organliatton to initiata
the work of forming "factory-shop committ*^*",
the**- to functii*n under the control of tbr City
(Viitral t'/vmmiltees and to lie composed of (*om-
munist Party member* only; (C) C'ulllra; u|H>n the
CommunUt I "arty to use the industrial struggles,
whbh are now tearing r»i tbe vitaW of the mplUI-
irt order, for purelj" t>»mniuaist punwxea; (7> ti

revolution endorsing thc industrial union »•*• ^ e
only oi-ganization that will effect the emancipa-
tion of the working-class, was rejecte* 4 , vith
only the maker of the resolution voting fo- ,t;
(B) that Communist Party members shall ag:tatc
in their industrial organization, with the soh* * im
ef gathering tlie entire working-class around the
impending sti-u»^l<' for the Proletarian l)»ctv^>r-
"h'P. Fraternally submitted,

W. GabrieL
Secretary, New Jersey State Organi.v':"' n -
Communist Party of America.

Central Executive Meets

A meeting o{ the Central Kxocutivc <*» ,n "
nnttcc <.f thc Communist Farty ha* Ik* 11
held and stanch adjourned a« we. go to pff^" '
hut due to thc circumstances ^ the «tf<ti«k r
and the aIjscikc *»( the K.vecutivx Seaetary
the minute* arc not ready for thia i»»we. ■"
j-pite *»f delay i>^ the \ix\wr for this i'tirp '.•»'■•
Many inyjiortant ijuestion^ «•( party l«»hcy
were considered, and in so far as consi*t<" ,lt
with the present fK*r scent ions ajfain*t the
pnrty. a full rejMHt wslj Ik- inMicd by tnt *
Executive Secretary. .

Comrade* Itallam and ljoveatimR, **» v *' f!l
as Comrade Kulhenbcric. were kept ****>
from the meeting hy arre>t.- Kleven nieni-
bcr* were present at mo^t of the" «»»* l * fl *'

November 22nd, 19l«>

THE COMMUM1BT

- .s.~ .\- •■ - <--

-— *c - » -m

The Russian Press on Versailles Treaty

i

TUV. orj,an of the t Mitral Committee of
the Ku»*ian Communist Part)', Prtvdti
loniparcd the peace at Krcst with the peace
,,i Ver* .idles nnd makes I tic following com-

limit : "For Germany the peace instigated at
Yrtft&flici by the very courageous English-
Frcnch»Amcrican ' 'tit 'inovracy* 1 is a robbery

through an «' through. The acceptance of
the peace terms mean*., according to the
pr< ont leaders of bourgeois Germany, "the
He- traction of Germany", "the grave of the
Herman people." Despair is heard in every
Utterance of the lending German bour-
geoisie.

"A very short time ago German imperial-
j«ni dictated almost the same kind of terms
i,. iv, m the peace of Brest The fuiifilimcnt
,.( these terms meant Russia'* economic
nun, and the enslavement nf the entire Ru?
sun people. Even at that time despair
came from the bourgeoisie and their
■ > tCtallSt "followers but this despair could
not be found in the real revolutionaries, the
$6vid power representatives, Our Soviet
representatives agreed to sign the peace of
Br- st because they knew that this peace
v ould not last long, that it would be de-
stroyed by the development of the world
re solution.

"Hut the German bourgeoisie and its
adherents find themselves in a different

FiUKttion. They could not encourage the out-
break of the Communist revolution in the
Kr.tentc countries because this Communist
revolution would mean their own overthrow
in Germany. They could only scare the Al-
lies With this revolution. Hot the Allies
Understood very well that this was only a
threat from the no-called "Socialist" govern-
ment of C nany, from social-traitors, and
that these ^ltow individuals would never
lend themselves to any such enterprise QJ a
real revolution. There is no way of rescue
fu? capitalist Germany. It Stands at the
veiy brink of destruction, The German
pfoplc realize now irery clearly that tire
Itourgcoisic, with the help of the social-
traitors, has led them to destruction and

now cannot save them.

"Hut these men who cannot save the
people from destruction will no longer be

retained in the government. There i- no
room nor demand for "faimj hearts and

v;tk hand*". They must Ik* replaced by
tl ose v.ho face the future with courage, who
(in lfad the people </n wards with strong
brave leadership.

"' 'f all the political parties of Germany
tbi Commanilt <»n fill these demands, That

party f' arn thr peace treaty at Versailles
fuM SS little as we feared the Brest peace,

because it knows that like the liitnt peace,
tl i Wrsaiiiea peace will si so be swept a way
b) the storm wave of the world revolution

'the Versailles treaty i* the suppression

' ■ dcrmany, the draining M ^11 its economic

f - •<-•., ■ op< n robherv. It imposes upon

Grrmany eternal »lavrry, It places the rope
smrJnd its neck "

• • i

Vht signing t>( tfl< peSC< trr;,tv," writes

» * r*di#fiz#v, in IsvestU, "which saved Ger-
many from ■ new a i-auit by thr Allied pow-

" wdl not, however, U »bb v> ^ V r the

kfilin -Wnrnar government from the
<h re, tuning danger within, Onth( contrary
" haK t rtl \ y aggravated thi- danger, for tits
n i*&\ that (mt) now will the fun wrigbi <,t
ihc v/ rff snd »hr recent peacs b, really felt.
r»c«TO4tiy'* 1e *4ers, who hav< proven them
►H*ei bankrupt m regard to their foreign

Translated from Folkcis Daghlad, ft>lK!»
ken, Stockholm, Oct, 2, 1919,

policy, will show an e\en mote deplorable
bankruptcy In any schemes for the internal
reconstruction of their land. With the kign*
Irig of the peace treaty they have signed their
own death warrant."

• * •

Regarding the economic significance of
the Versailles peace treaty alcschtschcrya-
kow writes, in Pravda:

"TIk* victorious robbers demand that <'n
less than two years, that is on May 1st,
1921, Germany shall pay them so many bil-
lions marks in money. But such a great
quantity of gold does not exist in Germany.
The Allies announce, therefore, that the
debt shall be paid by the handing over of
merchant ships already built, in the pro* CSS
of building, or planned to he built in the
future; of cattle, machines, chemicals,
pharmaceutical products, coal and all its
by-products, ocean cables etc. etc.

"Germany has been fearfully ruined
through the war. Of its former riches it
has now only unimportant supplies. It will
not be possible for the country to restore
itself within two years. The carrying away
of resources to the value Of twenty billions
of marks means, therefore, that Germany
will be compelled to give up even-thing
that she possesses at the present time and
what she will absolutely need in the future
to reconstruct her national economic situa-
tion, (merchant vessels, coal, cattle, machin-
ery, etc.,) and in addition everything she
can produce in two years.

"By grabbing for tkttttcch't* thtfe riches

the Allies hope to re-establish their own
Industry. If their plans are realized, ruined

Germany would at the end of two years
compete in the markets of the world against

these reestablished and rehabilitated com-
petitors, Naturally she Would not be able
tO endure this competition, and would thus
become a victim of further draining by
them.

"This draining ha^ already been assumed
as a matter of fact, bv the peace treaty,
DesidCS the twenty billions of marks which

Germany lias to pay by Ma\ 1st, 1021, she
must also hand over 100 billions i*i notes
The payment of these notes will be not only
in gold, but also with these same articles

with which she is supposed to pay the first
twenty billions.

"The payment of thi<- tribute will be im-

mensely difficult, further, because of the
fact thai Germany hut lost all her colonies

on which she was almost entirely dependent
f«»r her raw materials. The taking away of
her merchant marine, not only her present
one tint all future and prospective ones, wilt
make it impossible for her to import the

necessary raM materials from other conn*

trio,

"In addition Germany lose* large rjUtW*
titir* of her own land, which considering

her industry, is of tremendous importance

to her. h.niu' fcets, f,,r inMancr, AlSaCC

Lorraine, from which Germany received 40

per cent of all her iron In addition France
gets for 15 years the Saar valley, which in
very rich in co.il. Through thin lows Ger-
many in deprived of almost her entire coal
and iron supplies, which i», of course, a
most terrible blow to German Industry,

"The Alhr* occupy altogether the whole
left bank of the Rhine for \$ y^r* 'Hie

trenty decides, further, that the AIUc# will

be able to continue the oecupation if Or-
many has not fulfilled her obligations br-
fore the expiration of the Option, It can be
said now that Germany will not be able to
fulfill any • u- h obligations as these, and
thus they will have an opportunity to
continue their Occupation of the Saar dis-
trict and the further plundering of Germany,
But the robbery is not ended even with
these stipulations, Germany must in ad-
dition pay all loJ-fes which the war has
caused to private individuals in France and
Belgium, This bill will be presented to
Germany before May 21st, 1921, and will
undoubtedly amount to a few billions."
• * *
Kcrschen/.ev elucidate.- in Izvtitla the
points in the peace treaty which concern
the colonial policy dictated by the Allies.
"This fourth part of the peace treaty calls
itself 'Germanys'l right and interests out-
side Europe': In reality it means the viola-
tion of Germany's interests in non- European
states. It is the will of the peace congress
that Germany shall be the only country in
the world that may not possess any colonial
territories on the other side of the ocean.
"This robbery of Germany has been ac-
complished so that the former German colo-
nics and concessions will be given to the
winners.

"In the projected 'League of Nations*
special rules are «ct forth in regard to the
administration of the colonic* and territories
no longer under the influence of those states
which administered them before. A little
further on the provisions of the League
project speak plainly about the guardianship
Ol ti.csc people, making a tharp dicilnctton
between those who are able to govern them-
f elves and experienced in this regard, (Eng-
land with her Moody experience in India
and Egypt; France who learned to use the
system of terror in her Morroccoan and
Madagascar expeditions), and the others.
All colonial districts that cannot prove them-
selves po««esscd of thc«e abilities and of
such experiences, will be put under the
guardianship of these countries,

"The plans of the Allies in regard to
China in a clear illustration of how they
intend to administer the colonies put under
their guardianship. They hare promised
to hand the administration of the German
colonies of China— naturally without asking
the opinion of either the inhabitants of the
colonies, or of China,— over to a consolida-
tion of America's, Fngland's, France's, and
Japan's bankers, for China's economic
dc\ elopment, which mean*, quite simply the
economic exploitation for the benefit of
the*C banker.-, This bank consolidation
will be under the control of the respective
government*, which means that H will be
according to the will of their capitalists.
The American edition of this new division
of China Contain) thi* surprNlngly hypocrit-
ical phra«c that this plan if highly satis-
factory to the Chinee. And why? Because
it would make it possible for China to
emam ipate herself from foreign political in-
fluence,. Arid still more; "It removes cvetV
attempt at plots upon China's independ-
ence,"

"China in ntacedf under foreign capital
and they call it 'emancipation from foreign
Influence!*

"The Vfr-ailh* tiraty introduce* «

regime ot hnrbarou* exploitation and op-

press Ion/ not only for the conquered

<r«ntlftu*l on J*** ti>

PajTf Tea

THE COMMUNIST

November 22nd 1919.

The Drift of Things

W/AITER N rOi.AKOV, eminent "disorganized convulsions between 195 utd lation, Senator Jones, Chairman of Senate

W consulting engineer, was retained by 260 days per year/' Commerce Committee predicted that ship,

the Di,l Publishing Comfiany to report en Mr. Polakov asks what is the answer to flying the American flag will almost ccma

because of the present situation in the coal the situation in this industry, and as a tech- the tonnage of Great Britain by end of

industry. This report appears in the current nic.il expert, not as a propagandist, he re- 1920. . » *

issue of TJ1K DIAL. It is not alone a revel- plies to his own question: "organization of \MER1CW" COM PAW

ation a. to the Conditions which compelled production for consumption, not for sale and A.% AAUi-U /v l ^ ^ ' B „Y .™ .

the "trike but it is at the same time a „,o.t the subsequent division of revenue, between phased »H ^ernian rna and state m-

mc mfinc ai ... . uAr» ,„j fhn , n lllKn nm" tercsts in the diamond field of what was

illuminating cross-section of the whole capi- those who HAD and Uiose who DID. ^^ ^^ Southwest Africa. The

Ulistie system of production, INDUSTRIAL CON- dispatch states: "Some protests are ex-

The points ot fact brought out. in a stnk- In I: NA I lUAALiflUWiRirtLw.s i ,, , I™-*-,, „r - k

i r it irn-orvri? nnARD i««n<-H a renort on pressed over what is called secrecy of the

inch- decisive way, are the following: FERLiNCli 1SOAKU issuca a rcpon on i ^

* * ' -Wartime Changes in Wages." In view of deal* and allegations are made that the

l_The coal operators do not control the the extensive and persistent propaganda Purchase was affected through undue in-

selling, which is done largely through about war wages, it is well to note the actual "uence in political quarters

jobber.. There is no co-ordination, dollar and cents figures in the eight leading And, by the way, this new' hyphenism^

therefore, between the mining and sell- industries covered in the report. There is a appearing quite frequently of late. Anglo-

j nff big percentage increase, but it requires no American finance.

2-The cost accounting is of such character commentary to impress the "standard of liv- With it, a vast and subtle propaganda

that there is often ignorance of pro- ing" which lurks behind the figures. -d mter-soocty campaign for unity be-

& Ma l e Workers Female Workers tween the two ruling cliques— in the name

duction costs. . Sept March Sept. March of Anglo-Saxon propinquitv.

3 — The training of emplovecs is not or- 1914 191» 1914 1919 * r

gani/cd. causing great waste. Metal 13.18 24.75 6.45 1430 * * *

4— Machine operation constitutes little over Cotton ....10.00 17.10 7.70 1275 ANGLO-AMERICAN-DANISH COR-

50'<\ showing backwardness of pi oduc- Wool 11.52 18.61 8.70 13.46 pQRATION gets flaxseed concessions in

tion methods. Silk 11.77 22.69 7.49 15.10 Lithuania. Other ncgotations look toward

5 — Wastefulness of time, materials] and Boot&Shoes 14.70 25.90 9.18 14.69 waterway and railroad rights — and there is

possible output (coal left in mines), is Paper 12.73 22,40 7.47 12.24 cvcn a fji m company with American capitil.

notorious, 33 to 50^ of coal resources Rubber 14.00 29.35 9.25 14.90 Self-determination of small nations means

being despoiled. Since 1844 .this waste Chemical ..12.85 26.20 finance-determination by the dominant im-

h figured at 7,541,550,000 tons. Same * * * pcrialisms.

rate of use and wastage will exhaust the AN ALLIED MISSION is here to . * .

coal supply in 100 years. establish a World Trade League "to over- THE VERSAILES PEACE TERMS

6— Processing the coal at the mine, by con- come Prussianism in commerce." are novv f 0U nd to coincide with the ideas of

version into coke, saving of ammonium The political weapon ,the League of Czar Nicholas, expressed in November 1914,

sulphate, tar, benzol and other deriva- Nations, is the shadow; the real power is , n convcrsa tion with the French ambassador

tives, would increase value of annual the direct economic organization— the world in p ctr ograd, M. Palcologuc— but the Czar

output to $8,000,000,000 (as against chamber of commerce. didn't collect on his own bets,

present total of $2,500,000,000). The two fundamental problems: 1) "the q^ j tcTn j s particularly illustrative of

7_F,] rj . tr i c power could be generated at suppression of labor unrest to bring about ttl ; a diplomacy, that thr Czar ^xprtH no-
mouth of mine for radius of 300 miles, maximum productivity"— note the language, only to hM on lo p l an d, but j extend iti
is method of using vast supply of coal "suppression of labor unrest/' not the solu- boundaries (very much as lias been done,
left unmined. There is also wastage of tion of labor unrest: 2) Arrangement of so f ar as Germany is concerned) — and this
253> and more in coal after production system whereby Allied countries can get statement followed shortly upon the famous
by improper methods of firing. long term credits in the U. S — (a system man ;f cs to promising restoration of inde-

8— There has been no attempt to solve the whereby the U. S. signs all the notes of p en d cn ce to Poland!

problem of storage, production being on the bankrupt European governments— and • • *
basis of immediate needs and idleness l>acks up the signature by suppressing labor RESERVATIONS are the order of the
the rule when there arc not enough unrest). day. The Senate is making peace treaty re-
cars to load the day's output. * * * scrvations, firstly, to make a campaign

9— Out of possible working days in year, THE NEW HAVEN "JOURNAL (which has elements of popularity in its
at maximum production, work is carried COURIER", in its enthusiasm about the a p pca i s f or a home policy— an appeal not
on only two-thirds of the" time. The World Trade League, says: "This compact su i >st aintiated by the extensive legislative
five-day week means \37> to 21^ more means nothing more nor less than the re- an( j diplomatic preparations for foreign to-
days per annum than the miners were moval of the causes which in nine hundred vcstmCnt ) ; secondly, to reassert the prcro-
evcr called upon to work. and ninety-nine times out of a thousand g at j vcs f the Senate against the President;
30— The six-hour day is easily within the make for war." ^ thirdly, to play up the special American iro-
range of belter managerial and pro- Quick, Palmer, the Espionage Act! Oris perialistic interests better than was done at
duction methods. (It is to be noted the one-thousandths loophole big enough p aris

that the 6-hour day really means 8 for escape? E vcn the most casual reading of the re-
hours underground, including the trav- * * * scrvations shows the purpose of playing fast
elHng "to face coal" and the return to THE TALL KJNG OF BELGIUM— and loosc w j tn the Allies, using them with-
mine opening). and his Cardinal Mercicr— and a queen in out being too much used by them.
11— After the declaration of war the margin the bargain, come a-visiting: the loan is ^^ c, cnatc j s playing the American
of profit on coal went up OOOTr over only $50,000,000. hand in the international gamble for higher
1916. Under the price regulation it The little prince of Wales comes over, sta ^ cs t j, an t hc acquiescent Professor dared
never, was lower than 180T* over pre- and makes little princely speeches,— and VC nture at Versailles,
war prices. The regulation stopped Morgan & Co. offers thc public $250,000,000 * * *
February, 1919, the war emergency faav- notes of Great Britain @ 5%tt. TWO BOYS were suspended from a
ing pa,sed, so far as concema profit*, How touching is this international amity! Chicag0 h j Kh sch ool because they exibitcd
and the margin went to 4007* over pre- • . * . * <<rt>d „ symplom5| arl d didn't like "what one
war profits. THE EDGE BILL, which passed the 6f ^ ca „ cd ^ « Mohamc dan" per-

12— There have been no wage advances House on November 7th, permits national fofmancc o( "joking east" at a given signaU

since November 1917. (And the Pres- banks and other financial institutions to ^ ^ % ^ a chancc that t ] le further

ident now again discovers a war create international banking) corporations « C( j ucat ; on / vv jh curc them? Oh, ye men ot

emergency!) to the extent of 1071 of their total capital ^ faUh _ in own m i n d-destructionl

li— The demand for 607' wage increase stock and surplus.

could be granted without change in the This is one of thc series of bills passed «„,/ U i'*nMNiN' "Storiet

price of coal if the increase in profit in recent months in recognition of the SPOT " f E Hfc £ u *- 1 ? 11 '; ^-__«rro

margin over 1916 were given up. governmental alliance with American inter- Exaggerated of \\ ar Cost ot U. &. ■ * [

What is needed above all/Llare. the ex- national finance. German Propaganda » ™"^ **"**-
prrt, it regulated employment as against In connection with Federal shipping Irgis- The war only cost us $30 ( 17/.WU,tWl

n^tSMM.

r HE COMMUNIST

»«».* EVeaa

At the time this .ssue is prepared for press Comrade Ruthcnberg is still on tri«l at
Cleveland, on the charge of assault with intent to kill, arising out of the great May
Day demonstrate in Cleveland. News from the trial is that the prosecution is
having a hard time making even a pretence of showing for bringing this outrageous
charge. (Later: Verdict of Not Guilty directed by Court).

Organizahon news will be brought up to date in next issue, and details will be
given of the meeting of the Central E-cecutive Committee. In the meantime charter
applications, as well as organization and defense donations, are coming in unabated.

The Russian Press on Versailles Tieaty

Hut

Inn '

Continued from page 9)
ar, countries, but it also elevate.-; into
i,;.."dy colonial system that his lain

ur« over tlie whole world for the
mjI t*«ity years. The Versailles j>eace
uill bfC-ir.c a symbol for slavery, not only
for t«e German and Austrian proletariat.
but '• * --' * ie workers in the whole world—
f<»r nil '- ■'■ people of the world who art- <-j-
p rc »c,ii : , European capital. The whole
pri-!< t.'i;.*. "i the world, and all the people
u i lb* .vi rid who have experienced the
id and the galling- chains of l~ng-
r -erica's, and France's colonial po-
! :kc up the struggle against this

heat

ha

lawT*

lie-

Ai

-v"iU

pea- 1

K

-vji

lj..r>

a

:«zew call "the League c»f Xu-
leaguc of violation."
'Tiiit j.L.'.ce treaty." he adds, ''with it*
vittier.! character, is without comparison in
history, j a it tries to proclaim co-operation
anu njr the peoples. The following para-
praphj: rtgaidtnnr the war tribute and the
>.:a. O-MtWt illustrate Mis cooperation. In
the Lea^e of Nations only selected count -
rir- r.:r included. All resolutions of the
leajirt mj-; be unanimou.-ly accepted. That
k r<i decision can be made against the will
mtVi ct« -it powers, and no pressure can be
cxt'uV'.rd <-:i them. It is very plain that it
\\\\) !*, e;.*y for the?e powers to win smell
an ii : :.:..-. :v in their ability tu compel l!u-
fma'ii: states to subordinate their own
will*.

'I'm ;,u gnc of Nations proclaims th.it
>t h-:»1 \\r.:\x the armies and make an enci
Xil ">■-. But even thi> promise contains
a i' »• r >;ctj»tions. The armies will \>r
Km::<d to 'the minimum, as the national
>asa- r;..mands." Again we shall hear th«» c e
«iro« 1 10 phrases about self defense, ami
' "n ' -\r ^t naturally, the question of ma-
t: "' •■' *.»:*. :y' will be treated in the intcros-t
«: tl v j recent victors, and the minimum ar-
n *) v.:ll he decided according to the di>-
r " 1 "• »f the makers of cannon and mu-
nition*

Having -carccly reached the point «»f
•alk ..j reconciliation, the authors of ilic
l K »*« treaty begin already to speak about
n,, ' r ' -vr.r<. Of course thc^e wars cannot
H pn ■ti.re certain preliminaries are com-
'" i '-'' with, nevertheless it is always a war.
"**«%, that will decide the future de»tiny
n 1'H world, according to them.

A ' wrl uf arbitration has been appointed
b-idf the conflicts between the powers.
"'•1/ unanimous decisions will oblige tin
"VuiUn of the league to refrain frori ivar.
M '*':>« r v.ords the new treaty give^ even
' r ' ; 't power the privilege of declaring war
:| -t an adjacent state and "forcing it to
toil itself to the will of the great power.
"Accordingly all the paragraph? of the
'**</ in reference to the I-eauue of K»-
Utt * mention the r*fel*)i*»iltffit of an
* !,n '"l tiu«t of the great puWrf* which

u,

may. by force and violence against the
smaller nation., decide whatever is mo>t
profitable to Allied capital.

"Thi* peace tre::ty is actually a league of
violence which male- war and the exploita-
tion uf the smaller naf.uiis by the great one-.
a law.

"Russia will not belong to the League of
Nation?. The peace conference ha< decided
to put the "Russian question" aside for the
present time. "The Russian question"—
which long ago became a giant exclamation
mark. . 'will not be tried by the conference/

'Its examination." n radio from Paris.

says, 'will be handed over to the League of
Nations when opportunity allows." Of
course they will not discuss the Russian
question. That will be decided by Foch, and
with his help, by Kolchak. Dcnikin. et al.

"If the\ succeed in crushing Soviet Russia
that would be the 'opportunity' of which tin*
radio speaks. After that they would begin
to discuss the question. They are prepared
to speak with the Russian bourgeoisie, but
the Russian Morkeis and peasants ihey lii-
tend only to shoot.

"The Imperialists assembled in Versailles
have decided to -,t in judgment upon
the originators . f the war. — 'They
all fall upon Wilhelm the Second. '*l"hev
will sentence YVilhHni the Second. ' writes
lier^man. in "f/.veslia", 'England v. ho has
trodden upon the Hindus. Boers, and Au-
stralians- France, who«e capita'/ ha- ad-
vanced over the bones of the Algerian- ; I'.el-
giuui. of whose humanity the people of the
t'ongucan tell most unbelievable things!

" 'Wilhelm i* guilty, and after Carl, l.ud-
wig. and Nicholas he will suffer their fate,
Krupp i>- guilty, but it i< neither tin- rimy
nor the responsibility of Cletnenceau ami the
Allies t«» sentence iliem. They themselves
arc guilty and they too will be sentence;.!
sotiif lime". "

Leaflets

Several hundred thousand more of the
leaflets are on the press, due to the flooding"
in of reorders, particularly "Your Shop" and
"Break the Blockade"

Every Communis organization, every
Communist Tarty member hhould Kecon*
a unit in the orsuuiralion for the dirtriba*
tion of party literature and increase the
knowledge of the party principle* by plac-
ing booh.H and pamphlets in the hands of tfc*
worker*. .To publish and distribute thii
literature i* onf of the Rreat functiona of
our orp;ani/.ation, for a« knowledge and uii-
dtTMaodinR tncreanrh among our memberi
and the masses, our power grows,

These Are Ready
'THE PROLETARIAN REVOLU-
TION IN RUSSIA.'*
Bv X. LENIN and U TROTZKY.
Edited by L. C. Fraina.
Paper, 450 Pages.

Single copies $1.06

5 copie* or more, each £5

Cloth:

Pinple copies $lJSft

5 or more, each 1.0#

This book contains the story of the Ras-
*i«n revolution an told by Lenin and Trotzky
in their article* written ar the eventa took
place.

*1HE SOCIAL REVOLUTION IN

GERMANY."

By LOUIS C FRAINA.

Single copies $0.15

10 copi*"* 1,25

25 or more, each 10

"REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALISM"
fly LOUIS C. FRAINA.

Single copies

50-50

10 eopjp*

4.00

?5 cnjyie";

<*.oo

Fifty or more, each

30

"Manifesto, Program, Constitution of
the Communist Party and Report to
. .the International."

Single copies

2o eopieji ,

50 copies

100 or more, each

Tt-n thousand copies
hav»* already been t-oH.
for iUelf.

St-n-l order and remittance to
1219 Blue Island Ave. Chicago, HI.

$0.10

2.00

3.50

06

of ibis pamphlet
The title spealca

FIRST ISSUE

"The Communist International"

Critical and Scientific Magazine of the Ccminunist Party of America. Ninety-six
pages of special articles and editorials.

Feature* of Fln.t lame:

"The Proletarian Revolution and the Betrayer Kautsky" V.y Nlcolat Lenin

"The Red Army" „ v Leon Trotsky

"Communist Parly Problem*" . . , }> v Louis C. Fratna

"Dictatorship and Democracy" f, v Maurice SugMr

"The Communist Party, Manifesto and Program ' Hy J, Bittelman

"Unionism and Reconstruction in Rusiia" [j v g > Koteleff

Other articles and 28 pages of Editorials

F.-mJ ordr rJ « At onco.Sfngle cnpioi 2^. Eundlea of 5 or mora 16e

SKND ORDKR tO

COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA

1210 Bl.l'K ISLAND AVENUE

CMWAftt

^K U.I.

r>*r« Tw**r«

The Communist International

Evolutionary Youth of Scandl-
naTia unite

T 1

rip JI'H FIRST (OXVKN'ilON of the
1 revolutionary organisations nf the
Sorialibl \o\tth «»f the three countries »f
r candina\ia v^.'ts held at Ilillcrc<d, Denmark.
a few weeks apo. There were 30 delegates
from Denmark, 20 from Norway, 30 from
Sweden, and a goodly number of fraternal
delegates from Denmark.

A permanent organization was inaugur-
ated i«»r the three countries, with provision
for regular conventions and for a Board of
Scandinavia to act as a unifying organ for
all of the local organizations. One pro-
vision typifies the spirit and aim of the
organization, namely: "Large ma«s meet-
ings are to be held each year at the boundary
lines of the three countries.'*

After a full discussion of principles and
tactics, the Convention held "that the
Youth's International should stand on the
same political platform as the Third Inter-
national of the World, in order that the
young workmen might employ the same
means of combat and forms of organiz-
ation." The resolution in favor of the Third
International was adopted by vote of 68

to 5.

The details of the report give every
evidence of a Convention of the highest in-
telligence and magnificent spirit, and of a
substantial organization of the youth of the
Scandinavian countries.

THE COMMUNIST

November 22nd 19V7,

Minority Resolution of C. G. T.

i S September oi* ihis year uie 14th Con-
ference of the French Confederation- of
Labor took place at Lyon. Below is the
text of the resolution of the left minority
of this conference made public by Comrade
Koron in the name of this minority.

Due to the order of the day accepted by
the conference this resolution could not be
debated or put to a vote.

The 14th Conference, in looking over the
po-ilion and actions of the General Con-
federation of I.abur during the ptrriod cum-
mrnriPK Aujrust 2. 1 914, recalls that war as
a vhoie, and especially the la*t war, which
threw the people of all lands into battle, was
the tvsuH of competition between the capi-
talists in their aim to win tho world market.
The Conference declares that in this war
the General Confederation of Labor, in ita
various step* in cooperation with tha fo\-
nawat, carri»^d cm a policy contrary to it*
principle*, a poliev of compromise with the
bourgeoisie di recline the war.

The General Confederation of Labor al-
lowed iW-If to be associated in the war and
in thte manner took upon itself part of the
responsibility. , , 1 ,

Due to thin it could not art tndepcndcntJv
and with enough energy against the world
of inju*l»ef and force which, not having ex-
terminated the causes of the old quarrels,
created new ones. It demanded also from
the leader* a full amnesty and the renewal
of rigfcti of eititenship.

Oon-.dering all thu, the PonfcrMve cen-
mrea the Committee of the ConfcratioD for
the petition Uk*-n and for their action* dur-
inir the mar.

Tut Congress aUo condemns the policy of
rceotitibattem of claaaea u^ed by the Com-
&jtu-e of the Conffderat on, the pnr.«ent
actiont of whirh are nothing morr than the
continuation of that policy of participation
in the Capitalist BeAcmment practiced dur-
ing the war.

The conference believes that such policy
is different in the ca>e of the InevttabU
agTeetnents made between the bo**es and the
worker*, wh>ch are also a*.t* of partid potion.
But the policy condemned to the partiei-
pation in the e*ub1i*Hed JnsUruUwa* con-
►trjeted for Joint rtudy by the representa-
tive* of the worker* and of the Uinreoina
of Koaottuc que fc t>on«, the *oluUoa of which
a-ill oaly prolong the exbteiwa of the pres-
ent nMMa. V^R the but* of the principlea
wiuch SUA r*m*-ia \*Iid for French Syadwal-
).«. worked uut in O^i Alfii»ns profCTam, IMP
Conference owe lovre proclaim* U* iacMl-

nWe n.e.vKsity of rlas* war iind the carrying
on of tbt« war to a logical end: the exter-
mination of wqkc slavery.

We once ot'nin affirm the following:
In our daily activities we .SyndicahfU
aim: to orpaniic the manifestations of the
workers towards the battle for the immedi-
ate Wtterment of the workers life, that is,
for the diminishing of the working day, in-
crease in the wogef, and towards other
.similar problems. ,

But this sort of battle is only a part of
the problem of SvmlicaliNm, It prepares
for the emancipation of the whole working
class which can l*e only carried out by ex-
propriating the capitalists. The weapon of
this fight is the general strike.

The Conference considers, that at the pres-
ent time syndicates are fighting unites, but
in the future will be the units of production
and distribution, the basis for the reorgan-
iration of society.

The Revolutionary general strike may
only be the result of many partial strikes,
always increasing, uniting into one who!e,
or it may come out of other unexpected
circumstaneoF v.-hich one must know how to
use cleverly. With the circulation of idea*
of liberation and in view of the revolution-
ary situation caused by the war, no wob-
bling, no passive position, no opportunism
ahould be allowed.

All the revolutionary energy which the

Eroletariat has. all its life power, should
t put into action.

The Congress, knowing the clear wish of
the irnvernments to crush the proletarian
revolution, no matter where it occurs, cen-
sures the General Confederation of Labor
because it did not keep it* word given to
the worker? of England and Italy and halted
before the j«tep which could have saved the
Hungarian Workers' Republic. The Con-
ference declares that such weakness is only
another result of the policy carried on by
the Committee of the Confederatioa com-
mencing with the year 1914.

Indignant at the cynicisf of the self-
elected knights of justice and right, who
make of the French proletariat an interna-
tional gendarme and crusher of liberty, the
Conference in reply to the appeal of the
Central Soviet of Professional Unions of
Rus?ia declares: only in the sirenchte^nc
of the Russian revolution and ita spreading
all over the world is the hope of tue prole-
tariat, hurt and weakened by tl e five year
jjBe.rampled niinous war!

The conference appeals to Vie Russian
worker*: ^ L ,

More courage, comrades. The blow* g» v en
to vour liberty make us indignant just as
well. We declare together with you rom-

"Woricers of the world, take, the fight
against the imperialist murderers into your
hands the fight for the workers' revolution
of the entire world."

Long live the International Soviet Re-
pubUcT

$50,000,000
IN PROFITS!!!

Th« ArqiU Oil Company a%ad* 55O.0OO.OOO id
Bit profit* in Muioo in ibt lirt 8 y«*n--

©w ae.ooo.ooo a ;•*?}

Dul you get any tt thaw profit*, Mr

Worauifmftat N«.

Did you f «t »oy of ih« profit* «f aay ©tW. oil

ccop»B]« that *r* •ucki.nf tb* bL&od of ta« M«m-

ican p*opW? No.

Do you owa ftfij oil nock? *J 0(

B*tt th* warktrtef H*xioo «*«r bftraad joa? ^Q,

Tb*a, aea't Wt W»U StrMl'f for»rDm»at ia Wab-

iBCtoft bftmboocl* or bully 70a i&to ft

War with Ktskef

Donl Plghi Your Mexican Comrades!
INSTEAD-

STR1KE111
Communist Party Of Mexico

P. O BoaPW *ln**uCitjr. D y., Miiim

St.

Noikc Sodalittt to Communist*

Our sister organ of Hamburg, Germany,
publishes the following note: The municipal
council of Brake (Oldenburg) was composed
of fix Nbske IvKialists and three Commun-
ista until recently, when the CiimmurHsts
withdrew (rotn that body, leaving the gov-

ernment alone. Now the Noski*s con«ictnn
the Communist? as traitors, because thry did
not want to sit any longer with the oppo-
nents of progres>i\ e thought. Unable t> carry
out any real working class policy tht'y want
the C ummunists to bear a part of the respon-
sibility "for the incapacity of the administra-
tion. But this is not treachery on tr.v part
of the Communists. It would have been
treason if they had remained in the council,
which is regarded as of a reactionary
character.

The British Socialist Party

In a recent is«ne of *The Call", official or-
gan of the British Socialist Party, John
Maclean lays down this program :

"At this stage we of the B.S-P. can pby
a supremely important part, We cm call
into being workshop committees with a
right class bias; we can provide them with
a program identical with that of our South
Wales comrades for the mining industry.

Let us urge full socialization of mines and
and other trustified industries, full industrial
control by the workers involved, though
modified to permit of the use of the cooper-
ative movement, control of the education of
the workers, a thirty hour week, fifty per
cent, increase in wages, communally pro-
duced houses, withdrawal of British troops
and aid from all parts of the world, the a!>oli-
tion of the army and the navy and the estab-
lishment of a workers' defense force, and
the transfer of the functions oi FariUment
to Labor's Central Committee.

Let us now issue a manifesto declaring
our policy for the guidance of cur class,
realizing that cap:*aJi«=5 is ir *>»# !*»*♦
ditch and that we can rally o, tr etas* to
the delivering of the knock -out blow.

Army find "Red" Primer of Crime

THE army sleuths in the strike zone at
at Gary were raiding a "Russian den."
Thry found many reminders that the resid-
ent is an alien, but nothing incriminating
for a Jong time. Then —

"Look* Lookt Here it is. There ought
to be enough in this to hang a dcren of
'em."

One zealous agent held up a well
thumbed volume in Russian. D.i-b-ntly
it is popular. Probably it contained the
ordained procedure in dynamiting*.

To headquarters at full spee<L and an
interpreter summoned.
"Read it to us— what does it say?"
The interpreter opened it at random and
began to run over the sentences, translating
in fragments:

"Then you put the blood on-Kfig a grave
and bury it near midnight — burn u? the
rest—"

"We've got cm now! M exclaimed one.
"That's the master book. Read some more."
Horrors! Mora Blood.
"That helps the blood." went on the in-.
tcipretcr, reading fragmcntarily. "Pretty^
soon, off she comes?"

"That means an explosion 1" the sleuths
chorused.

"Begin at the beginning/' demanded one.
"What'R the book called V*

The interpreter turned to the title patfc
and read: ( .

"The Adventures of Tom Sawyer/ by
Mark Twain."

He had beetneading from Huckleberry

Finn's recipe for warts.

.-(Chicago Examiner)